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http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Online_Anabaptist-Mennonite_Library&diff=10931
Online Anabaptist-Mennonite Library
2012-07-09T16:13:32Z
<p>Hannahec: /* The Anabaptist Vision */</p>
<hr />
<div>In 2012, [http://www.gameo.org/ GAMEO] transferred its online library (then called the Anabaptist Mennonite Ethereal Library) containing the '''full texts''' of significant Mennonite confessions of faith and position statements on a variety of issues. These valuable sources can now be found here. A few early confessions of other faith groups are also included. <br />
<br />
These full-text documents represent a variety of Mennonite denominations over an extended period of time. Thus you will find statements that may not agree with one another because they come from Mennonite groups with differing emphases, or because these emphases have changed over time.<br />
<br />
The documents are arranged in '''chronological order''' within their categories.<br />
==Confessions of Faith==<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Confessions of Faith </div><br />
* [[Schleitheim Confession (source)|Schleitheim Confession]] (Anabaptist, 1527)<br />
* [[Wismar Articles (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)|Wismar Articles]] (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)<br />
* [[Strasbourg Discipline (South German Anabaptist, 1568)|Strasbourg Discipline]] (South German Anabaptist, 1568)<br />
* [[Waterlander Confession of Faith (1577)|Confession of Faith]] (Waterlander, 1577)<br />
* [[The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries (1578)|The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries]] (1578)<br />
* [[Concept of Cologne (Anabaptists, 1591)|Concept of Cologne]] (Anabaptists, 1591)<br />
* [[The Confession of Faith (P.J. Twisck, 1617)|The Confession of Faith]] (P.J. Twisck, 1617)<br />
* [[A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries (1618)|A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries]] (1618)<br />
* [[Olive Branch Confession (1627)|Olive Branch Confession]] (Dutch Mennonite, 1627)<br />
* [[Dordrecht Confession of Faith (Mennonite, 1632)|Dordrecht Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite, 1632)<br />
* [[Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris (1766)|Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris]] (1766)<br />
* [[Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)|Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith]] (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)<br />
* [[Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, Articles of Confession (1896)|Articles of Confession]] (Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Our Common Confession (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)|Our Common Confession]] (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1902)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1902)<br />
* [[Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches Articles of Faith (1950)|Articles of Faith]] (Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches, 1950)<br />
* [[Mennonite Confession of Faith (Mennonite Church, 1963)|Mennonite Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Church, 1963)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1975)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)|Confession of Faith]] (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Conference Confession of Faith (1994)|Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Conference, 1994)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)|Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective]] (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference Confession of Faith (2001) | Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference, 2001)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Catechisms==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[Elbing Catechism (Mennonite, 1778)|Elbing Catechism]] (Mennonite, 1778)<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==The Anabaptist Vision==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[The Anabaptist Vision (1944)|The Anabaptist Vision]], by Harold S. Bender (1944)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Position Statements==<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Position Statements</div><br />
Here you will find a variety of full-text documents, arranged in chronological order, that contain Anabaptist/Mennonite declarations of positions on various matters. <br />
|}<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">1981 to 2010</div><br />
====2000 to 2010====<br />
* [[The Call from Colombia to MC Canada (2000)|The Call from Colombia to MC Canada]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc. (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)|Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc.]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Colombia Resolution (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)|Colombia Resolution]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)<br />
* [[Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Resolution on Plan Colombia (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Resolution on Plan Colombia]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[A Resolution: The Death Penalty (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)| A Resolution: The Death Penalty]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Vieques Resolution]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Abortion]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Immigration]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on the War in Iraq (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)|Statement on the War in Iraq]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)<br />
* [[MWC Shared Convictions (2006)|Shared Convictions]] (Mennonite World Conference, 2006)<br />
* [[A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
====1991 to 1999====<br />
* On Observing 1992 (Mennonite Church, 1991)<br />
* Statement of Doctrine (Conservative Mennonite Conference, 1991)<br />
* A Resolution against Interpersonal Abuse (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution on Health Care (General Conference Mennonite Church U.S. Assembly, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution to Laugh with Abraham and Sarah (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Call for a Peacemaking Task Force (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace (Mennonite Central Committee, 1993)<br />
* Peace in Our Time (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Resolution on Health Care in the United States (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Resolution on Male Violence Against Women (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Affirming Peacemaking as it Relates to the Peace Tax (U.S.)/Peace Trust (Canada) (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Agreeing and Disagreeing in Love -- Commitments for Mennonites in Times of Disagreement (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Resolution on a Jubilee Year of Repentance and Action Regarding Nuclear Weapons (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Vision: Healing and Hope (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church , 1995)<br />
* "And No One Shall Make Them Afraid" (Zephaniah 3:12-13): a Mennonite Statement on Violence (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Is Jesus the Only Way? (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Mission Statement for Congregational Youth Ministry (Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Ordination (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Guidelines for building faithful relationships in the church (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Resolution on the Issue of Homosexuality (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Guidelines for Membership in the New Mennonite Church (Mennonite Church Canada, 1999)<br />
* Women in Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1999)<br />
====1981 to 1990====<br />
* Leadership and Authority in the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Homosexuality (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Divorced and Remarried (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Women in the Church (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Question of Love and Non-Resistance (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* The Use of the Law (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Justice and the Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Mennonite Tricentennial Resolution (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Central America (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Conscientious Objection to Military Taxes (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* A Resolution on Faithful Action Toward Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution Regarding Caring Community (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Statement on Inter-Mennonite Cooperation in North America (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Vision for Witness (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* "God's People Reconciling [35 minute Audio file]" (Mennonite World Conference presentation by Ron Sider, 28 July 1984 in Strasbourg, France) Windows Media File (5 MB); MP3 File (15 MB)<br />
* Ten-Year Goals (Vision '95)(Mennonite Church, 1985)<br />
* A Call to Kingdom Commitments (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Many Peoples Becoming God's People (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Apartheid (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Human Sexuality (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Baptism by Immersion as a Requirement for Ordination to Pastoral Leadership (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1987)<br />
* A Call to Affirmation, Confession, and Covenant Regarding Human Sexuality (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Growing in Stewardship and Witness in a Militaristic World (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Resolution on South Africa (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* A Church of Many Peoples Confronts Racism (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Recommendation on Exploring MC/GC Integration (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on Military Tax Withholding (Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on the 500th Anniversary of Columbus (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Stewardship of the Earth: Resolution on Environment and Faith Issues (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Vision Statement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1990)<br />
<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">16th Century to 1980</div><br />
====1971 to 1980====<br />
* The Way of Peace (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1971)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Amnesty (Mennonite Central Committee, 1973)<br />
* A Statement of Direction to Guide Congregations and Regional Conferences in Understanding Ordination (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1974)<br />
* Resolution on World Food Crisis (Mennonite Central Committee, 1974)<br />
* Abortion (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Amnesty (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Understandings Concerning Women and Men (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Resolution on Abortion (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Interpretation In The Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Call and Care of Pastors (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Christian Stewardship of Energy Resources (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Governmental Oppression and our Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Holy Spirit In the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Offender Ministries (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Television Violence (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Interpretation of Scriptures (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Mennonite Brethren and the Urban Challenge (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Political Involvement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Resolution on Pastoral Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Affirming Our Faith in Word and Deed (Mennonite Church, 1979)<br />
* Guidelines on Abortion (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
*Legal and Legislative Exemptions from War Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
====1961 to 1970====<br />
* Christian Parenthood (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* The Christian Witness to the State (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Communism and Anti-Communism (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Dedication for Our Times (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Love and Unity in the Church (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Recreation (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Communism and Anti-Communism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on the Authority of the Scriptures (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* The Christian Family (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1963)<br />
* Capital Punishment and the Ministry of the Church to the Offender (Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Capital Punishment (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* Resolution on Nationalism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on World Hunger (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on Divorce and Remarriage (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1969)<br />
* Response to Conscription and Militarism (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
* Urban-Racial Concerns (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
====1951 to 1960====<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment with Respect to Peace, War, and Nonresistance (Mennonite Church, 1951)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Peace, War, and Military Service (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1953)<br />
* Declaration of Commitment in Respect to Christian Separation and Nonconformity to the World (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Nurture and Evangelism of Children (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Way of Christian Love in Race Relations (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* Statement on the Believers' Church (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1956)<br />
* The Theology of Christian Experience (Mennonite Church, 1957)<br />
* The Christian and Nuclear Power (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian and Race Relations (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian View of Marriage (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* On Inspiration of the Bible (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
====1900 to 1950====<br />
* [[Report of the Dress Committee (Mennonite Church, 1913)|Report of the Dress Committee]] (Mennonite Church, 1913)<br />
* [[Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare (Mennonite Church, 1915)|Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare]] (Mennonite Church, 1915)<br />
* [[Statement of Our Position on Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1917)|Statement of Our Position on Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1917)<br />
* [[Christian Fundamentals (Mennonite Church, 1921)|Christian Fundamentals]] (Mennonite Church, 1921)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite (1925)|A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite]] (1925)<br />
* [[A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1937)|A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1937)<br />
* [[Statement of Doctrine (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|Statement of Doctrine]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)|Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) ]](Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)<br />
<br />
====Pre-20th Century ====<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Document of Secession (1860)|Document of Secession]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1860)<br />
<br />
|}</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Online_Anabaptist-Mennonite_Library&diff=10930
Online Anabaptist-Mennonite Library
2012-07-09T16:13:19Z
<p>Hannahec: /* 1900 to 1950 */</p>
<hr />
<div>In 2012, [http://www.gameo.org/ GAMEO] transferred its online library (then called the Anabaptist Mennonite Ethereal Library) containing the '''full texts''' of significant Mennonite confessions of faith and position statements on a variety of issues. These valuable sources can now be found here. A few early confessions of other faith groups are also included. <br />
<br />
These full-text documents represent a variety of Mennonite denominations over an extended period of time. Thus you will find statements that may not agree with one another because they come from Mennonite groups with differing emphases, or because these emphases have changed over time.<br />
<br />
The documents are arranged in '''chronological order''' within their categories.<br />
==Confessions of Faith==<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Confessions of Faith </div><br />
* [[Schleitheim Confession (source)|Schleitheim Confession]] (Anabaptist, 1527)<br />
* [[Wismar Articles (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)|Wismar Articles]] (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)<br />
* [[Strasbourg Discipline (South German Anabaptist, 1568)|Strasbourg Discipline]] (South German Anabaptist, 1568)<br />
* [[Waterlander Confession of Faith (1577)|Confession of Faith]] (Waterlander, 1577)<br />
* [[The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries (1578)|The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries]] (1578)<br />
* [[Concept of Cologne (Anabaptists, 1591)|Concept of Cologne]] (Anabaptists, 1591)<br />
* [[The Confession of Faith (P.J. Twisck, 1617)|The Confession of Faith]] (P.J. Twisck, 1617)<br />
* [[A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries (1618)|A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries]] (1618)<br />
* [[Olive Branch Confession (1627)|Olive Branch Confession]] (Dutch Mennonite, 1627)<br />
* [[Dordrecht Confession of Faith (Mennonite, 1632)|Dordrecht Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite, 1632)<br />
* [[Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris (1766)|Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris]] (1766)<br />
* [[Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)|Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith]] (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)<br />
* [[Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, Articles of Confession (1896)|Articles of Confession]] (Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Our Common Confession (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)|Our Common Confession]] (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1902)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1902)<br />
* [[Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches Articles of Faith (1950)|Articles of Faith]] (Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches, 1950)<br />
* [[Mennonite Confession of Faith (Mennonite Church, 1963)|Mennonite Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Church, 1963)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1975)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)|Confession of Faith]] (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Conference Confession of Faith (1994)|Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Conference, 1994)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)|Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective]] (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference Confession of Faith (2001) | Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference, 2001)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Catechisms==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[Elbing Catechism (Mennonite, 1778)|Elbing Catechism]] (Mennonite, 1778)<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==The Anabaptist Vision==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[The Anabaptist Vision (1944)|The Anabaptist Vision]], by Harold S. Bender (Mennonite, 1944)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Position Statements==<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Position Statements</div><br />
Here you will find a variety of full-text documents, arranged in chronological order, that contain Anabaptist/Mennonite declarations of positions on various matters. <br />
|}<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">1981 to 2010</div><br />
====2000 to 2010====<br />
* [[The Call from Colombia to MC Canada (2000)|The Call from Colombia to MC Canada]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc. (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)|Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc.]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Colombia Resolution (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)|Colombia Resolution]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)<br />
* [[Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Resolution on Plan Colombia (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Resolution on Plan Colombia]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[A Resolution: The Death Penalty (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)| A Resolution: The Death Penalty]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Vieques Resolution]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Abortion]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Immigration]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on the War in Iraq (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)|Statement on the War in Iraq]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)<br />
* [[MWC Shared Convictions (2006)|Shared Convictions]] (Mennonite World Conference, 2006)<br />
* [[A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
====1991 to 1999====<br />
* On Observing 1992 (Mennonite Church, 1991)<br />
* Statement of Doctrine (Conservative Mennonite Conference, 1991)<br />
* A Resolution against Interpersonal Abuse (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution on Health Care (General Conference Mennonite Church U.S. Assembly, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution to Laugh with Abraham and Sarah (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Call for a Peacemaking Task Force (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace (Mennonite Central Committee, 1993)<br />
* Peace in Our Time (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Resolution on Health Care in the United States (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Resolution on Male Violence Against Women (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Affirming Peacemaking as it Relates to the Peace Tax (U.S.)/Peace Trust (Canada) (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Agreeing and Disagreeing in Love -- Commitments for Mennonites in Times of Disagreement (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Resolution on a Jubilee Year of Repentance and Action Regarding Nuclear Weapons (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Vision: Healing and Hope (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church , 1995)<br />
* "And No One Shall Make Them Afraid" (Zephaniah 3:12-13): a Mennonite Statement on Violence (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Is Jesus the Only Way? (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Mission Statement for Congregational Youth Ministry (Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Ordination (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Guidelines for building faithful relationships in the church (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Resolution on the Issue of Homosexuality (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Guidelines for Membership in the New Mennonite Church (Mennonite Church Canada, 1999)<br />
* Women in Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1999)<br />
====1981 to 1990====<br />
* Leadership and Authority in the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Homosexuality (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Divorced and Remarried (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Women in the Church (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Question of Love and Non-Resistance (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* The Use of the Law (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Justice and the Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Mennonite Tricentennial Resolution (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Central America (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Conscientious Objection to Military Taxes (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* A Resolution on Faithful Action Toward Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution Regarding Caring Community (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Statement on Inter-Mennonite Cooperation in North America (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Vision for Witness (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* "God's People Reconciling [35 minute Audio file]" (Mennonite World Conference presentation by Ron Sider, 28 July 1984 in Strasbourg, France) Windows Media File (5 MB); MP3 File (15 MB)<br />
* Ten-Year Goals (Vision '95)(Mennonite Church, 1985)<br />
* A Call to Kingdom Commitments (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Many Peoples Becoming God's People (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Apartheid (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Human Sexuality (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Baptism by Immersion as a Requirement for Ordination to Pastoral Leadership (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1987)<br />
* A Call to Affirmation, Confession, and Covenant Regarding Human Sexuality (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Growing in Stewardship and Witness in a Militaristic World (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Resolution on South Africa (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* A Church of Many Peoples Confronts Racism (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Recommendation on Exploring MC/GC Integration (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on Military Tax Withholding (Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on the 500th Anniversary of Columbus (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Stewardship of the Earth: Resolution on Environment and Faith Issues (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Vision Statement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1990)<br />
<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">16th Century to 1980</div><br />
====1971 to 1980====<br />
* The Way of Peace (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1971)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Amnesty (Mennonite Central Committee, 1973)<br />
* A Statement of Direction to Guide Congregations and Regional Conferences in Understanding Ordination (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1974)<br />
* Resolution on World Food Crisis (Mennonite Central Committee, 1974)<br />
* Abortion (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Amnesty (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Understandings Concerning Women and Men (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Resolution on Abortion (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Interpretation In The Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Call and Care of Pastors (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Christian Stewardship of Energy Resources (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Governmental Oppression and our Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Holy Spirit In the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Offender Ministries (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Television Violence (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Interpretation of Scriptures (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Mennonite Brethren and the Urban Challenge (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Political Involvement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Resolution on Pastoral Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Affirming Our Faith in Word and Deed (Mennonite Church, 1979)<br />
* Guidelines on Abortion (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
*Legal and Legislative Exemptions from War Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
====1961 to 1970====<br />
* Christian Parenthood (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* The Christian Witness to the State (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Communism and Anti-Communism (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Dedication for Our Times (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Love and Unity in the Church (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Recreation (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Communism and Anti-Communism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on the Authority of the Scriptures (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* The Christian Family (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1963)<br />
* Capital Punishment and the Ministry of the Church to the Offender (Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Capital Punishment (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* Resolution on Nationalism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on World Hunger (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on Divorce and Remarriage (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1969)<br />
* Response to Conscription and Militarism (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
* Urban-Racial Concerns (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
====1951 to 1960====<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment with Respect to Peace, War, and Nonresistance (Mennonite Church, 1951)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Peace, War, and Military Service (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1953)<br />
* Declaration of Commitment in Respect to Christian Separation and Nonconformity to the World (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Nurture and Evangelism of Children (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Way of Christian Love in Race Relations (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* Statement on the Believers' Church (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1956)<br />
* The Theology of Christian Experience (Mennonite Church, 1957)<br />
* The Christian and Nuclear Power (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian and Race Relations (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian View of Marriage (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* On Inspiration of the Bible (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
====1900 to 1950====<br />
* [[Report of the Dress Committee (Mennonite Church, 1913)|Report of the Dress Committee]] (Mennonite Church, 1913)<br />
* [[Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare (Mennonite Church, 1915)|Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare]] (Mennonite Church, 1915)<br />
* [[Statement of Our Position on Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1917)|Statement of Our Position on Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1917)<br />
* [[Christian Fundamentals (Mennonite Church, 1921)|Christian Fundamentals]] (Mennonite Church, 1921)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite (1925)|A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite]] (1925)<br />
* [[A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1937)|A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1937)<br />
* [[Statement of Doctrine (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|Statement of Doctrine]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)|Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) ]](Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)<br />
<br />
====Pre-20th Century ====<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Document of Secession (1860)|Document of Secession]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1860)<br />
<br />
|}</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Online_Anabaptist-Mennonite_Library&diff=10929
Online Anabaptist-Mennonite Library
2012-07-09T16:13:05Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Catechisms */</p>
<hr />
<div>In 2012, [http://www.gameo.org/ GAMEO] transferred its online library (then called the Anabaptist Mennonite Ethereal Library) containing the '''full texts''' of significant Mennonite confessions of faith and position statements on a variety of issues. These valuable sources can now be found here. A few early confessions of other faith groups are also included. <br />
<br />
These full-text documents represent a variety of Mennonite denominations over an extended period of time. Thus you will find statements that may not agree with one another because they come from Mennonite groups with differing emphases, or because these emphases have changed over time.<br />
<br />
The documents are arranged in '''chronological order''' within their categories.<br />
==Confessions of Faith==<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Confessions of Faith </div><br />
* [[Schleitheim Confession (source)|Schleitheim Confession]] (Anabaptist, 1527)<br />
* [[Wismar Articles (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)|Wismar Articles]] (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)<br />
* [[Strasbourg Discipline (South German Anabaptist, 1568)|Strasbourg Discipline]] (South German Anabaptist, 1568)<br />
* [[Waterlander Confession of Faith (1577)|Confession of Faith]] (Waterlander, 1577)<br />
* [[The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries (1578)|The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries]] (1578)<br />
* [[Concept of Cologne (Anabaptists, 1591)|Concept of Cologne]] (Anabaptists, 1591)<br />
* [[The Confession of Faith (P.J. Twisck, 1617)|The Confession of Faith]] (P.J. Twisck, 1617)<br />
* [[A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries (1618)|A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries]] (1618)<br />
* [[Olive Branch Confession (1627)|Olive Branch Confession]] (Dutch Mennonite, 1627)<br />
* [[Dordrecht Confession of Faith (Mennonite, 1632)|Dordrecht Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite, 1632)<br />
* [[Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris (1766)|Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris]] (1766)<br />
* [[Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)|Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith]] (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)<br />
* [[Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, Articles of Confession (1896)|Articles of Confession]] (Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Our Common Confession (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)|Our Common Confession]] (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1902)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1902)<br />
* [[Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches Articles of Faith (1950)|Articles of Faith]] (Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches, 1950)<br />
* [[Mennonite Confession of Faith (Mennonite Church, 1963)|Mennonite Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Church, 1963)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1975)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)|Confession of Faith]] (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Conference Confession of Faith (1994)|Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Conference, 1994)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)|Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective]] (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference Confession of Faith (2001) | Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference, 2001)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Catechisms==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[Elbing Catechism (Mennonite, 1778)|Elbing Catechism]] (Mennonite, 1778)<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==The Anabaptist Vision==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[The Anabaptist Vision (1944)|The Anabaptist Vision]], by Harold S. Bender (Mennonite, 1944)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Position Statements==<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Position Statements</div><br />
Here you will find a variety of full-text documents, arranged in chronological order, that contain Anabaptist/Mennonite declarations of positions on various matters. <br />
|}<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">1981 to 2010</div><br />
====2000 to 2010====<br />
* [[The Call from Colombia to MC Canada (2000)|The Call from Colombia to MC Canada]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc. (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)|Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc.]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Colombia Resolution (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)|Colombia Resolution]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)<br />
* [[Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Resolution on Plan Colombia (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Resolution on Plan Colombia]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[A Resolution: The Death Penalty (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)| A Resolution: The Death Penalty]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Vieques Resolution]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Abortion]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Immigration]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on the War in Iraq (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)|Statement on the War in Iraq]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)<br />
* [[MWC Shared Convictions (2006)|Shared Convictions]] (Mennonite World Conference, 2006)<br />
* [[A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
====1991 to 1999====<br />
* On Observing 1992 (Mennonite Church, 1991)<br />
* Statement of Doctrine (Conservative Mennonite Conference, 1991)<br />
* A Resolution against Interpersonal Abuse (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution on Health Care (General Conference Mennonite Church U.S. Assembly, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution to Laugh with Abraham and Sarah (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Call for a Peacemaking Task Force (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace (Mennonite Central Committee, 1993)<br />
* Peace in Our Time (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Resolution on Health Care in the United States (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Resolution on Male Violence Against Women (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Affirming Peacemaking as it Relates to the Peace Tax (U.S.)/Peace Trust (Canada) (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Agreeing and Disagreeing in Love -- Commitments for Mennonites in Times of Disagreement (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Resolution on a Jubilee Year of Repentance and Action Regarding Nuclear Weapons (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Vision: Healing and Hope (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church , 1995)<br />
* "And No One Shall Make Them Afraid" (Zephaniah 3:12-13): a Mennonite Statement on Violence (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Is Jesus the Only Way? (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Mission Statement for Congregational Youth Ministry (Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Ordination (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Guidelines for building faithful relationships in the church (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Resolution on the Issue of Homosexuality (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Guidelines for Membership in the New Mennonite Church (Mennonite Church Canada, 1999)<br />
* Women in Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1999)<br />
====1981 to 1990====<br />
* Leadership and Authority in the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Homosexuality (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Divorced and Remarried (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Women in the Church (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Question of Love and Non-Resistance (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* The Use of the Law (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Justice and the Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Mennonite Tricentennial Resolution (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Central America (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Conscientious Objection to Military Taxes (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* A Resolution on Faithful Action Toward Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution Regarding Caring Community (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Statement on Inter-Mennonite Cooperation in North America (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Vision for Witness (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* "God's People Reconciling [35 minute Audio file]" (Mennonite World Conference presentation by Ron Sider, 28 July 1984 in Strasbourg, France) Windows Media File (5 MB); MP3 File (15 MB)<br />
* Ten-Year Goals (Vision '95)(Mennonite Church, 1985)<br />
* A Call to Kingdom Commitments (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Many Peoples Becoming God's People (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Apartheid (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Human Sexuality (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Baptism by Immersion as a Requirement for Ordination to Pastoral Leadership (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1987)<br />
* A Call to Affirmation, Confession, and Covenant Regarding Human Sexuality (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Growing in Stewardship and Witness in a Militaristic World (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Resolution on South Africa (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* A Church of Many Peoples Confronts Racism (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Recommendation on Exploring MC/GC Integration (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on Military Tax Withholding (Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on the 500th Anniversary of Columbus (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Stewardship of the Earth: Resolution on Environment and Faith Issues (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Vision Statement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1990)<br />
<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">16th Century to 1980</div><br />
====1971 to 1980====<br />
* The Way of Peace (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1971)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Amnesty (Mennonite Central Committee, 1973)<br />
* A Statement of Direction to Guide Congregations and Regional Conferences in Understanding Ordination (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1974)<br />
* Resolution on World Food Crisis (Mennonite Central Committee, 1974)<br />
* Abortion (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Amnesty (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Understandings Concerning Women and Men (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Resolution on Abortion (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Interpretation In The Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Call and Care of Pastors (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Christian Stewardship of Energy Resources (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Governmental Oppression and our Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Holy Spirit In the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Offender Ministries (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Television Violence (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Interpretation of Scriptures (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Mennonite Brethren and the Urban Challenge (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Political Involvement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Resolution on Pastoral Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Affirming Our Faith in Word and Deed (Mennonite Church, 1979)<br />
* Guidelines on Abortion (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
*Legal and Legislative Exemptions from War Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
====1961 to 1970====<br />
* Christian Parenthood (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* The Christian Witness to the State (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Communism and Anti-Communism (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Dedication for Our Times (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Love and Unity in the Church (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Recreation (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Communism and Anti-Communism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on the Authority of the Scriptures (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* The Christian Family (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1963)<br />
* Capital Punishment and the Ministry of the Church to the Offender (Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Capital Punishment (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* Resolution on Nationalism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on World Hunger (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on Divorce and Remarriage (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1969)<br />
* Response to Conscription and Militarism (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
* Urban-Racial Concerns (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
====1951 to 1960====<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment with Respect to Peace, War, and Nonresistance (Mennonite Church, 1951)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Peace, War, and Military Service (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1953)<br />
* Declaration of Commitment in Respect to Christian Separation and Nonconformity to the World (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Nurture and Evangelism of Children (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Way of Christian Love in Race Relations (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* Statement on the Believers' Church (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1956)<br />
* The Theology of Christian Experience (Mennonite Church, 1957)<br />
* The Christian and Nuclear Power (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian and Race Relations (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian View of Marriage (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* On Inspiration of the Bible (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
====1900 to 1950====<br />
* [[Report of the Dress Committee (Mennonite Church, 1913)|Report of the Dress Committee]] (Mennonite Church, 1913)<br />
* [[Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare (Mennonite Church, 1915)|Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare]] (Mennonite Church, 1915)<br />
* [[Statement of Our Position on Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1917)|Statement of Our Position on Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1917)<br />
* [[Christian Fundamentals (Mennonite Church, 1921)|Christian Fundamentals]] (Mennonite Church, 1921)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite (1925)|A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite]] (1925)<br />
* [[A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1937)|A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1937)<br />
* [[Statement of Doctrine (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|Statement of Doctrine]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[The Anabaptist Vision (1944)|The Anabaptist Vision]] by Harold S. Bender (1944)<br />
* [[Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)|Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) ]](Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)<br />
<br />
====Pre-20th Century ====<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Document of Secession (1860)|Document of Secession]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1860)<br />
<br />
|}</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Online_Anabaptist-Mennonite_Library&diff=10928
Online Anabaptist-Mennonite Library
2012-07-09T16:11:57Z
<p>Hannahec: /* 1900 to 1950 */</p>
<hr />
<div>In 2012, [http://www.gameo.org/ GAMEO] transferred its online library (then called the Anabaptist Mennonite Ethereal Library) containing the '''full texts''' of significant Mennonite confessions of faith and position statements on a variety of issues. These valuable sources can now be found here. A few early confessions of other faith groups are also included. <br />
<br />
These full-text documents represent a variety of Mennonite denominations over an extended period of time. Thus you will find statements that may not agree with one another because they come from Mennonite groups with differing emphases, or because these emphases have changed over time.<br />
<br />
The documents are arranged in '''chronological order''' within their categories.<br />
==Confessions of Faith==<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Confessions of Faith </div><br />
* [[Schleitheim Confession (source)|Schleitheim Confession]] (Anabaptist, 1527)<br />
* [[Wismar Articles (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)|Wismar Articles]] (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)<br />
* [[Strasbourg Discipline (South German Anabaptist, 1568)|Strasbourg Discipline]] (South German Anabaptist, 1568)<br />
* [[Waterlander Confession of Faith (1577)|Confession of Faith]] (Waterlander, 1577)<br />
* [[The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries (1578)|The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries]] (1578)<br />
* [[Concept of Cologne (Anabaptists, 1591)|Concept of Cologne]] (Anabaptists, 1591)<br />
* [[The Confession of Faith (P.J. Twisck, 1617)|The Confession of Faith]] (P.J. Twisck, 1617)<br />
* [[A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries (1618)|A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries]] (1618)<br />
* [[Olive Branch Confession (1627)|Olive Branch Confession]] (Dutch Mennonite, 1627)<br />
* [[Dordrecht Confession of Faith (Mennonite, 1632)|Dordrecht Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite, 1632)<br />
* [[Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris (1766)|Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris]] (1766)<br />
* [[Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)|Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith]] (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)<br />
* [[Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, Articles of Confession (1896)|Articles of Confession]] (Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Our Common Confession (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)|Our Common Confession]] (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1902)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1902)<br />
* [[Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches Articles of Faith (1950)|Articles of Faith]] (Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches, 1950)<br />
* [[Mennonite Confession of Faith (Mennonite Church, 1963)|Mennonite Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Church, 1963)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1975)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)|Confession of Faith]] (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Conference Confession of Faith (1994)|Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Conference, 1994)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)|Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective]] (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference Confession of Faith (2001) | Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference, 2001)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Catechisms==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[Elbing Catechism (Mennonite, 1778)|Elbing Catechism]] (Mennonite, 1778)<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Position Statements==<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Position Statements</div><br />
Here you will find a variety of full-text documents, arranged in chronological order, that contain Anabaptist/Mennonite declarations of positions on various matters. <br />
|}<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">1981 to 2010</div><br />
====2000 to 2010====<br />
* [[The Call from Colombia to MC Canada (2000)|The Call from Colombia to MC Canada]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc. (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)|Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc.]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Colombia Resolution (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)|Colombia Resolution]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)<br />
* [[Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Resolution on Plan Colombia (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Resolution on Plan Colombia]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[A Resolution: The Death Penalty (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)| A Resolution: The Death Penalty]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Vieques Resolution]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Abortion]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Immigration]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on the War in Iraq (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)|Statement on the War in Iraq]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)<br />
* [[MWC Shared Convictions (2006)|Shared Convictions]] (Mennonite World Conference, 2006)<br />
* [[A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
====1991 to 1999====<br />
* On Observing 1992 (Mennonite Church, 1991)<br />
* Statement of Doctrine (Conservative Mennonite Conference, 1991)<br />
* A Resolution against Interpersonal Abuse (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution on Health Care (General Conference Mennonite Church U.S. Assembly, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution to Laugh with Abraham and Sarah (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Call for a Peacemaking Task Force (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace (Mennonite Central Committee, 1993)<br />
* Peace in Our Time (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Resolution on Health Care in the United States (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Resolution on Male Violence Against Women (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Affirming Peacemaking as it Relates to the Peace Tax (U.S.)/Peace Trust (Canada) (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Agreeing and Disagreeing in Love -- Commitments for Mennonites in Times of Disagreement (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Resolution on a Jubilee Year of Repentance and Action Regarding Nuclear Weapons (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Vision: Healing and Hope (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church , 1995)<br />
* "And No One Shall Make Them Afraid" (Zephaniah 3:12-13): a Mennonite Statement on Violence (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Is Jesus the Only Way? (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Mission Statement for Congregational Youth Ministry (Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Ordination (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Guidelines for building faithful relationships in the church (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Resolution on the Issue of Homosexuality (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Guidelines for Membership in the New Mennonite Church (Mennonite Church Canada, 1999)<br />
* Women in Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1999)<br />
====1981 to 1990====<br />
* Leadership and Authority in the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Homosexuality (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Divorced and Remarried (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Women in the Church (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Question of Love and Non-Resistance (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* The Use of the Law (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Justice and the Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Mennonite Tricentennial Resolution (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Central America (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Conscientious Objection to Military Taxes (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* A Resolution on Faithful Action Toward Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution Regarding Caring Community (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Statement on Inter-Mennonite Cooperation in North America (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Vision for Witness (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* "God's People Reconciling [35 minute Audio file]" (Mennonite World Conference presentation by Ron Sider, 28 July 1984 in Strasbourg, France) Windows Media File (5 MB); MP3 File (15 MB)<br />
* Ten-Year Goals (Vision '95)(Mennonite Church, 1985)<br />
* A Call to Kingdom Commitments (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Many Peoples Becoming God's People (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Apartheid (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Human Sexuality (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Baptism by Immersion as a Requirement for Ordination to Pastoral Leadership (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1987)<br />
* A Call to Affirmation, Confession, and Covenant Regarding Human Sexuality (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Growing in Stewardship and Witness in a Militaristic World (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Resolution on South Africa (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* A Church of Many Peoples Confronts Racism (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Recommendation on Exploring MC/GC Integration (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on Military Tax Withholding (Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on the 500th Anniversary of Columbus (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Stewardship of the Earth: Resolution on Environment and Faith Issues (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Vision Statement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1990)<br />
<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">16th Century to 1980</div><br />
====1971 to 1980====<br />
* The Way of Peace (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1971)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Amnesty (Mennonite Central Committee, 1973)<br />
* A Statement of Direction to Guide Congregations and Regional Conferences in Understanding Ordination (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1974)<br />
* Resolution on World Food Crisis (Mennonite Central Committee, 1974)<br />
* Abortion (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Amnesty (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Understandings Concerning Women and Men (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Resolution on Abortion (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Interpretation In The Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Call and Care of Pastors (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Christian Stewardship of Energy Resources (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Governmental Oppression and our Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Holy Spirit In the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Offender Ministries (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Television Violence (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Interpretation of Scriptures (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Mennonite Brethren and the Urban Challenge (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Political Involvement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Resolution on Pastoral Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Affirming Our Faith in Word and Deed (Mennonite Church, 1979)<br />
* Guidelines on Abortion (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
*Legal and Legislative Exemptions from War Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
====1961 to 1970====<br />
* Christian Parenthood (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* The Christian Witness to the State (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Communism and Anti-Communism (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Dedication for Our Times (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Love and Unity in the Church (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Recreation (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Communism and Anti-Communism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on the Authority of the Scriptures (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* The Christian Family (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1963)<br />
* Capital Punishment and the Ministry of the Church to the Offender (Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Capital Punishment (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* Resolution on Nationalism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on World Hunger (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on Divorce and Remarriage (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1969)<br />
* Response to Conscription and Militarism (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
* Urban-Racial Concerns (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
====1951 to 1960====<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment with Respect to Peace, War, and Nonresistance (Mennonite Church, 1951)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Peace, War, and Military Service (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1953)<br />
* Declaration of Commitment in Respect to Christian Separation and Nonconformity to the World (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Nurture and Evangelism of Children (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Way of Christian Love in Race Relations (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* Statement on the Believers' Church (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1956)<br />
* The Theology of Christian Experience (Mennonite Church, 1957)<br />
* The Christian and Nuclear Power (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian and Race Relations (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian View of Marriage (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* On Inspiration of the Bible (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
====1900 to 1950====<br />
* [[Report of the Dress Committee (Mennonite Church, 1913)|Report of the Dress Committee]] (Mennonite Church, 1913)<br />
* [[Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare (Mennonite Church, 1915)|Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare]] (Mennonite Church, 1915)<br />
* [[Statement of Our Position on Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1917)|Statement of Our Position on Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1917)<br />
* [[Christian Fundamentals (Mennonite Church, 1921)|Christian Fundamentals]] (Mennonite Church, 1921)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite (1925)|A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite]] (1925)<br />
* [[A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1937)|A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1937)<br />
* [[Statement of Doctrine (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|Statement of Doctrine]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[The Anabaptist Vision (1944)|The Anabaptist Vision]] by Harold S. Bender (1944)<br />
* [[Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)|Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) ]](Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)<br />
<br />
====Pre-20th Century ====<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Document of Secession (1860)|Document of Secession]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1860)<br />
<br />
|}</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10927
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T16:11:36Z
<p>Hannahec: </p>
<hr />
<div>by Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision" <sup> 1 </sup>==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
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These words of Rufus M. Jones<sup>2</sup> constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.<sup>3</sup> There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
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The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<blockquote><br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone. <sup>4</sup><br />
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Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
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But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
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Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
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The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.<sup>5</sup><br />
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In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.<sup>6</sup> Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect." <sup>7</sup> Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.<sup>8</sup><br />
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The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way." <sup>9</sup> Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
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The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
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Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.<sup>10</sup> The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
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The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.<sup>11</sup><br />
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No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
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They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
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. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
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Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
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From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
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Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
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Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland. <sup>12</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.<sup>13</sup> There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
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There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.<sup>14</sup> There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;<sup>15</sup> and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"<sup>16</sup> and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
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However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
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The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.<sup>17</sup><br />
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And Johann Loserth says:<br />
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More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.<sup>18</sup><br />
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The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
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Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.<sup>19</sup><br />
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A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
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While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.<sup>20</sup><br />
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It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
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This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."<sup>21</sup> In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."<sup>22</sup> Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.<sup>23</sup> Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.<sup>24</sup><br />
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The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
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May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,<sup>25</sup> that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
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Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
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First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ<sup>26</sup> The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.<sup>27</sup> The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),<sup>28</sup> the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
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That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."<sup>29</sup> Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.<sup>30</sup><br />
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Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
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Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold. <sup>31</sup><br />
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Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."<sup>32</sup> Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
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I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.<sup>33 </sup><br />
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The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
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The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.<sup>34</sup><br />
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Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
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Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God. <sup>35</sup><br />
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And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
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Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God. <sup>36</sup><br />
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A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".<sup>37</sup><br />
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One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
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The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.<sup>38</sup><br />
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A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."<sup>39</sup> Bullinger himself complained that<br />
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...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.<sup>40</sup><br />
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The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.<sup>41</sup> On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life. <sup>42</sup><br />
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As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
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It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
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An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation [[Menno Simons]] says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.<sup>43</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.<sup>44</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.<sup>45</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.<sup>46</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.<sup>47</sup> This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.<sup>48</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.<sup>49</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."<sup>50</sup> A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."<sup>51</sup> Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<blockquote><br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.<sup>52 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.<sup>53</sup><br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.<sup>55</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.<sup>56</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. <sup>57</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<blockquote><br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.<sup>58</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,<sup>59</sup> the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, ''The Mennonite Quarterly Review'', and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of ''The Mennonite Encyclopedia'', a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of ''Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe''; and ''Biblical Revelation and Inspiration''.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.''' <br> <br><br />
1. Reprinted from ''Church History'' (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions. <br> <br><br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, ''Studies in Mystical Religion'' (London, 1909), 369. <br> <br><br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br> <br><br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: ''Mennonitisches Lexikon'', edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, ''Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht'' (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); ''Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter'' (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, ''The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage'' (London, 1935); John Horsch, ''Mennonites in Europe'' (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, ''The story of the Mennonites'' (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, ''Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit'' (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," ''Church History'' (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, ''Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer'' (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the ''Verein für Reformationsgeschichte'', have yet appeared. <br> <br><br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, ''Mennonites in Europe', 325, from Bullinger's ''Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung'', etc., Zurich, 1560. <br> <br><br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's ''Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel'' (Strassburg, 1531). <br> <br><br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, ''Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern'' (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v. <br> <br><br />
7. F. Roth, ''Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte'' (Munich, 1901), I, 230. <br> <br><br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, ''Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke'', ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332. <br> <br><br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in ''Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen'' (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in ''Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft'' (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in ''Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg'' (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (January 1938), XII, 3-26. <br> <br><br />
10. ''Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder'', edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181. <br> <br><br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187. <br> <br><br />
12. ''Gottfried Keller's Werke'', ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150. <br> <br><br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites. <br> <br><br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, ''Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum'' (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, ''Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation'' (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists. <br> <br><br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, ''Geshichte des Pietismus'' (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," ''Church History'' (December 1940) IX, 351. <br> <br><br />
16. Ludwig Keller, ''Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien'' (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, ''op. cit''., 352. <br> <br><br />
17. Max Göbel, ''Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens'', etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, ''op. cit''., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (''op. cit''., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten." <br> <br><br />
18. Horsch, ''op. cit''., 289. <br> <br><br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, ''Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel'', ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." ''American Journal of Theology'' (January 1905) IX, 92. <br> <br><br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the ''Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd.'' 80), entitled ''Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn''(1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College. <br> <br><br />
21. ''Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte'' (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359. <br> <br><br />
22. ''Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum'' (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, ''Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation'' (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (July 1932), VI, 189-191. <br> <br><br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of ''Martin Luther'' (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173. <br> <br><br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in ''Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke'' (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169. <br> <br><br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (''Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz''. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (''Zwinglis Werke'' [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29). <br> <br><br />
25. Karl Müller, ''Kirchengeschichte'', II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (''Kirchengeschichte''. II, 1, 330. ) <br> <br><br />
26. Johannes Kühn, ''Toleranz und Offenbarung'' (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (July 1934). VIII, 135. <br> <br><br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (October 1938), XII, 247. <br> <br><br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott." <br> <br><br />
29. Bullinger, ''Von dem unverschampten fräfel'' (1531), fol. 75 r. <br> <br><br />
30. S. M. Jackson, ''Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli'' (Philadelphia, 1901), 127. <br> <br><br />
31. Bullinger, ''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'', fol. 15 v. <br> <br><br />
32. Joachim von Watt, ''Deutsche Historische Schriften'', ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408. <br> <br><br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, ''Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs'' (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52. <br> <br><br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, ''Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 ''(Berlin, 1902), 36. <br> <br><br />
35. J. J. Simler, ''Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden'' (Zurich, 1757), I, 824. <br> <br><br />
36. Karl Rembert, ''Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich'' (Berlin, 1899), 564. <br> <br><br />
37. Ernst Müller, ''Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer'' (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne. <br> <br><br />
38. Sebastian Franck, ''Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel'' (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v. <br> <br><br />
39. Schwenckfeld's ''Epistolar'' (1564), 1, 203. <br> <br><br />
40. Bullinger, ''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'' (1561), fol. 170r. <br> <br><br />
41. ''Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg'', ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f. <br> <br><br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff. <br> <br><br />
43. ''Complete Works of Menno Simons'' (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b. <br> <br><br />
44. ''Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen'' (Zurich, 1532). <br> <br><br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, ''op. cit''., 97. <br> <br><br />
46. Horsch, ''op cit''., 386. <br> <br><br />
47. P. Tschackert, ''Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre'' (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love." <br> <br><br />
48. Johannes Kühn, ''op. cit''., 231. fol. 22v. <br> <br><br />
49. Ernst Müller, ''op. cit''., 44. See Ernst Correll, ''op. cit''., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods. <br> <br><br />
50. Horsch, ''op. cit''., 317. <br> <br><br />
51. A. Hulshof, ''Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557'' (Amsterdam, 1905), 216. <br> <br><br />
52. Bullinger, ''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'', fol. 129v. <br> <br><br />
53. John Horsch, ''The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931'' (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, ''Renaissance und Reformation'' (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, ''Hutterian Brethren, 132'', footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in ''Princeton theological review'' (January 1928), XXVI, 88. <br> <br><br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (''Von dem unverschampten fräfel'' [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'' [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, ''The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey'' (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages. <br> <br><br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, ''op. cit''., 97. <br> <br><br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), ''Testamenterleütterung'' (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r. <br> <br><br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), ''Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt'' (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105. <br> <br><br />
58. ''The Complete Works of Menno Simons'' (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681. <br> <br><br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country. <br> <br><br />
----<br />
<br />
<br />
Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10926
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T16:08:37Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Footnotes */</p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision" <sup> 1 </sup>==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
<br />
These words of Rufus M. Jones<sup>2</sup> constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.<sup>3</sup> There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
<br />
The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<blockquote><br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone. <sup>4</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
<br />
But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
<br />
Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.<sup>5</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.<sup>6</sup> Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect." <sup>7</sup> Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.<sup>8</sup><br />
<br />
The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way." <sup>9</sup> Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
<br />
The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
<br />
Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.<sup>10</sup> The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
<br />
The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.<sup>11</sup><br />
<blockquote><br />
No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
<br />
They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
<br />
. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
<br />
Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
<br />
From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland. <sup>12</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.<sup>13</sup> There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
<br />
There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.<sup>14</sup> There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;<sup>15</sup> and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"<sup>16</sup> and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
<br />
However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.<sup>17</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And Johann Loserth says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.<sup>18</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.<sup>19</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
<blockquote><br />
While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.<sup>20</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
<br />
This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."<sup>21</sup> In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."<sup>22</sup> Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.<sup>23</sup> Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.<sup>24</sup><br />
<br />
The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
<br />
May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,<sup>25</sup> that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
<br />
Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
<br />
First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ<sup>26</sup> The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.<sup>27</sup> The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),<sup>28</sup> the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
<br />
That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."<sup>29</sup> Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.<sup>30</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
<blockquote><br />
Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold. <sup>31</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."<sup>32</sup> Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.<sup>33 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.<sup>34</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God. <sup>35</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God. <sup>36</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".<sup>37</sup><br />
<br />
One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.<sup>38</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."<sup>39</sup> Bullinger himself complained that<br />
<blockquote><br />
...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.<sup>40</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.<sup>41</sup> On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life. <sup>42</sup><br />
<br />
As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
<br />
It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
<br />
An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation [[Menno Simons]] says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.<sup>43</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.<sup>44</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.<sup>45</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.<sup>46</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.<sup>47</sup> This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.<sup>48</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.<sup>49</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."<sup>50</sup> A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."<sup>51</sup> Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<blockquote><br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.<sup>52 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.<sup>53</sup><br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.<sup>55</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.<sup>56</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. <sup>57</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<blockquote><br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.<sup>58</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,<sup>59</sup> the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, ''The Mennonite Quarterly Review'', and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of ''The Mennonite Encyclopedia'', a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of ''Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe''; and ''Biblical Revelation and Inspiration''.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.''' <br> <br><br />
1. Reprinted from ''Church History'' (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions. <br> <br><br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, ''Studies in Mystical Religion'' (London, 1909), 369. <br> <br><br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br> <br><br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: ''Mennonitisches Lexikon'', edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, ''Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht'' (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); ''Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter'' (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, ''The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage'' (London, 1935); John Horsch, ''Mennonites in Europe'' (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, ''The story of the Mennonites'' (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, ''Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit'' (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," ''Church History'' (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, ''Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer'' (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the ''Verein für Reformationsgeschichte'', have yet appeared. <br> <br><br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, ''Mennonites in Europe', 325, from Bullinger's ''Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung'', etc., Zurich, 1560. <br> <br><br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's ''Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel'' (Strassburg, 1531). <br> <br><br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, ''Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern'' (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v. <br> <br><br />
7. F. Roth, ''Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte'' (Munich, 1901), I, 230. <br> <br><br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, ''Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke'', ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332. <br> <br><br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in ''Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen'' (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in ''Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft'' (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in ''Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg'' (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (January 1938), XII, 3-26. <br> <br><br />
10. ''Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder'', edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181. <br> <br><br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187. <br> <br><br />
12. ''Gottfried Keller's Werke'', ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150. <br> <br><br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites. <br> <br><br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, ''Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum'' (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, ''Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation'' (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists. <br> <br><br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, ''Geshichte des Pietismus'' (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," ''Church History'' (December 1940) IX, 351. <br> <br><br />
16. Ludwig Keller, ''Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien'' (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, ''op. cit''., 352. <br> <br><br />
17. Max Göbel, ''Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens'', etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, ''op. cit''., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (''op. cit''., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten." <br> <br><br />
18. Horsch, ''op. cit''., 289. <br> <br><br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, ''Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel'', ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." ''American Journal of Theology'' (January 1905) IX, 92. <br> <br><br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the ''Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd.'' 80), entitled ''Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn''(1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College. <br> <br><br />
21. ''Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte'' (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359. <br> <br><br />
22. ''Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum'' (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, ''Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation'' (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (July 1932), VI, 189-191. <br> <br><br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of ''Martin Luther'' (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173. <br> <br><br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in ''Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke'' (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169. <br> <br><br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (''Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz''. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (''Zwinglis Werke'' [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29). <br> <br><br />
25. Karl Müller, ''Kirchengeschichte'', II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (''Kirchengeschichte''. II, 1, 330. ) <br> <br><br />
26. Johannes Kühn, ''Toleranz und Offenbarung'' (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (July 1934). VIII, 135. <br> <br><br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (October 1938), XII, 247. <br> <br><br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott." <br> <br><br />
29. Bullinger, ''Von dem unverschampten fräfel'' (1531), fol. 75 r. <br> <br><br />
30. S. M. Jackson, ''Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli'' (Philadelphia, 1901), 127. <br> <br><br />
31. Bullinger, ''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'', fol. 15 v. <br> <br><br />
32. Joachim von Watt, ''Deutsche Historische Schriften'', ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408. <br> <br><br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, ''Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs'' (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52. <br> <br><br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, ''Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 ''(Berlin, 1902), 36. <br> <br><br />
35. J. J. Simler, ''Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden'' (Zurich, 1757), I, 824. <br> <br><br />
36. Karl Rembert, ''Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich'' (Berlin, 1899), 564. <br> <br><br />
37. Ernst Müller, ''Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer'' (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne. <br> <br><br />
38. Sebastian Franck, ''Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel'' (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v. <br> <br><br />
39. Schwenckfeld's ''Epistolar'' (1564), 1, 203. <br> <br><br />
40. Bullinger, ''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'' (1561), fol. 170r. <br> <br><br />
41. ''Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg'', ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f. <br> <br><br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff. <br> <br><br />
43. ''Complete Works of Menno Simons'' (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b. <br> <br><br />
44. ''Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen'' (Zurich, 1532). <br> <br><br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, ''op. cit''., 97. <br> <br><br />
46. Horsch, ''op cit''., 386. <br> <br><br />
47. P. Tschackert, ''Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre'' (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love." <br> <br><br />
48. Johannes Kühn, ''op. cit''., 231. fol. 22v. <br> <br><br />
49. Ernst Müller, ''op. cit''., 44. See Ernst Correll, ''op. cit''., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods. <br> <br><br />
50. Horsch, ''op. cit''., 317. <br> <br><br />
51. A. Hulshof, ''Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557'' (Amsterdam, 1905), 216. <br> <br><br />
52. Bullinger, ''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'', fol. 129v. <br> <br><br />
53. John Horsch, ''The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931'' (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, ''Renaissance und Reformation'' (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, ''Hutterian Brethren, 132'', footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in ''Princeton theological review'' (January 1928), XXVI, 88. <br> <br><br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (''Von dem unverschampten fräfel'' [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'' [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, ''The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey'' (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages. <br> <br><br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, ''op. cit''., 97. <br> <br><br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), ''Testamenterleütterung'' (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r. <br> <br><br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), ''Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt'' (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105. <br> <br><br />
58. ''The Complete Works of Menno Simons'' (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681. <br> <br><br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country. <br> <br><br />
----<br />
<br />
<br />
Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10925
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T16:02:12Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Footnotes */</p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision" <sup> 1 </sup>==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
<br />
These words of Rufus M. Jones<sup>2</sup> constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.<sup>3</sup> There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
<br />
The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<blockquote><br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone. <sup>4</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
<br />
But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
<br />
Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.<sup>5</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.<sup>6</sup> Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect." <sup>7</sup> Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.<sup>8</sup><br />
<br />
The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way." <sup>9</sup> Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
<br />
The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
<br />
Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.<sup>10</sup> The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
<br />
The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.<sup>11</sup><br />
<blockquote><br />
No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
<br />
They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
<br />
. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
<br />
Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
<br />
From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland. <sup>12</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.<sup>13</sup> There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
<br />
There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.<sup>14</sup> There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;<sup>15</sup> and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"<sup>16</sup> and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
<br />
However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.<sup>17</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And Johann Loserth says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.<sup>18</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.<sup>19</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
<blockquote><br />
While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.<sup>20</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
<br />
This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."<sup>21</sup> In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."<sup>22</sup> Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.<sup>23</sup> Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.<sup>24</sup><br />
<br />
The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
<br />
May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,<sup>25</sup> that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
<br />
Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
<br />
First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ<sup>26</sup> The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.<sup>27</sup> The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),<sup>28</sup> the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
<br />
That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."<sup>29</sup> Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.<sup>30</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
<blockquote><br />
Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold. <sup>31</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."<sup>32</sup> Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.<sup>33 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.<sup>34</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God. <sup>35</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God. <sup>36</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".<sup>37</sup><br />
<br />
One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.<sup>38</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."<sup>39</sup> Bullinger himself complained that<br />
<blockquote><br />
...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.<sup>40</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.<sup>41</sup> On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life. <sup>42</sup><br />
<br />
As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
<br />
It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
<br />
An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation [[Menno Simons]] says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.<sup>43</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.<sup>44</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.<sup>45</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.<sup>46</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.<sup>47</sup> This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.<sup>48</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.<sup>49</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."<sup>50</sup> A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."<sup>51</sup> Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<blockquote><br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.<sup>52 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.<sup>53</sup><br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.<sup>55</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.<sup>56</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. <sup>57</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<blockquote><br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.<sup>58</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,<sup>59</sup> the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, ''The Mennonite Quarterly Review'', and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of ''The Mennonite Encyclopedia'', a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of ''Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe''; and ''Biblical Revelation and Inspiration''.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.''' <br> <br><br />
1. Reprinted from ''Church History'' (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions. <br> <br><br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London, 1909), 369. <br> <br><br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br> <br><br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: Mennonitisches Lexikon, edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage (London, 1935); John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, The story of the Mennonites (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," Church history (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the Verein für Reformationsgeschichte, have yet appeared. <br> <br><br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe, 325, from Bullinger's Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung, etc., Zurich, 1560. <br> <br><br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531). <br> <br><br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v. <br> <br><br />
7. F. Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Munich, 1901), I, 230. <br> <br><br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke, ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332. <br> <br><br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1938), XII, 3-26. <br> <br><br />
10. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181. <br> <br><br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187. <br> <br><br />
12. Gottfried Keller's Werke, ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," Mennonite quarterly review [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150. <br> <br><br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites. <br> <br><br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists. <br> <br><br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, ''Geshichte des Pietismus'' (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," ''Church History'' (December 1940) IX, 351. <br> <br><br />
16. Ludwig Keller, ''Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien'' (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, ''op. cit''., 352. <br> <br><br />
17. Max Göbel, ''Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens'', etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, ''op. cit''., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (''op. cit''., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten." <br> <br><br />
18. Horsch, ''op. cit''., 289. <br> <br><br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, ''Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel'', ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." ''American Journal of Theology'' (January 1905) IX, 92. <br> <br><br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the ''Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd.'' 80), entitled ''Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn''(1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College. <br> <br><br />
21. ''Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte'' (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359. <br> <br><br />
22. ''Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum'' (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, ''Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation'' (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (July 1932), VI, 189-191. <br> <br><br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of ''Martin Luther'' (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173. <br> <br><br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in ''Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke'' (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169. <br> <br><br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (''Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz''. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (''Zwinglis Werke'' [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29). <br> <br><br />
25. Karl Müller, ''Kirchengeschichte'', II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (''Kirchengeschichte''. II, 1, 330. ) <br> <br><br />
26. Johannes Kühn, ''Toleranz und Offenbarung'' (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (July 1934). VIII, 135. <br> <br><br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' (October 1938), XII, 247. <br> <br><br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott." <br> <br><br />
29. Bullinger, ''Von dem unverschampten fräfel'' (1531), fol. 75 r. <br> <br><br />
30. S. M. Jackson, ''Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli'' (Philadelphia, 1901), 127. <br> <br><br />
31. Bullinger, ''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'', fol. 15 v. <br> <br><br />
32. Joachim von Watt, ''Deutsche Historische Schriften'', ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408. <br> <br><br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, ''Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs'' (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52. <br> <br><br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, ''Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 ''(Berlin, 1902), 36. <br> <br><br />
35. J. J. Simler, ''Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden'' (Zurich, 1757), I, 824. <br> <br><br />
36. Karl Rembert, ''Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich'' (Berlin, 1899), 564. <br> <br><br />
37. Ernst Müller, ''Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer'' (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne. <br> <br><br />
38. Sebastian Franck, ''Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel'' (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v. <br> <br><br />
39. Schwenckfeld's ''Epistolar'' (1564), 1, 203. <br> <br><br />
40. Bullinger, ''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'' (1561), fol. 170r. <br> <br><br />
41. ''Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg'', ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f. <br> <br><br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff. <br> <br><br />
43. ''Complete Works of Menno Simons'' (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b. <br> <br><br />
44. ''Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen'' (Zurich, 1532). <br> <br><br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, ''op. cit''., 97. <br> <br><br />
46. Horsch, ''op cit''., 386. <br> <br><br />
47. P. Tschackert, ''Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre'' (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love." <br> <br><br />
48. Johannes Kühn, ''op. cit''., 231. fol. 22v. <br> <br><br />
49. Ernst Müller, ''op. cit''., 44. See Ernst Correll, ''op. cit''., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods. <br> <br><br />
50. Horsch, ''op. cit''., 317. <br> <br><br />
51. A. Hulshof, ''Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557'' (Amsterdam, 1905), 216. <br> <br><br />
52. Bullinger, ''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'', fol. 129v. <br> <br><br />
53. John Horsch, ''The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931'' (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, ''Renaissance und Reformation'' (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, ''Hutterian Brethren, 132'', footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in ''Princeton theological review'' (January 1928), XXVI, 88. <br> <br><br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (''Von dem unverschampten fräfel'' [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'' [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, ''The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey'' (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages. <br> <br><br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, ''op. cit''., 97. <br> <br><br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), ''Testamenterleütterung'' (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r. <br> <br><br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), ''Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt'' (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105. <br> <br><br />
58. ''The Complete Works of Menno Simons'' (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681. <br> <br><br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country. <br> <br><br />
----<br />
<br />
<br />
Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10924
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T15:55:49Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Footnotes */</p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision" <sup> 1 </sup>==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
<br />
These words of Rufus M. Jones<sup>2</sup> constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.<sup>3</sup> There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
<br />
The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<blockquote><br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone. <sup>4</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
<br />
But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
<br />
Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.<sup>5</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.<sup>6</sup> Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect." <sup>7</sup> Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.<sup>8</sup><br />
<br />
The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way." <sup>9</sup> Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
<br />
The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
<br />
Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.<sup>10</sup> The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
<br />
The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.<sup>11</sup><br />
<blockquote><br />
No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
<br />
They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
<br />
. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
<br />
Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
<br />
From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland. <sup>12</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.<sup>13</sup> There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
<br />
There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.<sup>14</sup> There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;<sup>15</sup> and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"<sup>16</sup> and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
<br />
However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.<sup>17</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And Johann Loserth says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.<sup>18</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.<sup>19</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
<blockquote><br />
While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.<sup>20</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
<br />
This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."<sup>21</sup> In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."<sup>22</sup> Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.<sup>23</sup> Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.<sup>24</sup><br />
<br />
The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
<br />
May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,<sup>25</sup> that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
<br />
Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
<br />
First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ<sup>26</sup> The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.<sup>27</sup> The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),<sup>28</sup> the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
<br />
That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."<sup>29</sup> Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.<sup>30</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
<blockquote><br />
Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold. <sup>31</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."<sup>32</sup> Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.<sup>33 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.<sup>34</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God. <sup>35</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God. <sup>36</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".<sup>37</sup><br />
<br />
One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.<sup>38</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."<sup>39</sup> Bullinger himself complained that<br />
<blockquote><br />
...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.<sup>40</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.<sup>41</sup> On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life. <sup>42</sup><br />
<br />
As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
<br />
It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
<br />
An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation [[Menno Simons]] says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.<sup>43</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.<sup>44</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.<sup>45</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.<sup>46</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.<sup>47</sup> This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.<sup>48</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.<sup>49</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."<sup>50</sup> A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."<sup>51</sup> Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<blockquote><br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.<sup>52 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.<sup>53</sup><br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.<sup>55</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.<sup>56</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. <sup>57</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<blockquote><br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.<sup>58</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,<sup>59</sup> the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, ''The Mennonite Quarterly Review'', and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of ''The Mennonite Encyclopedia'', a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of ''Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe''; and ''Biblical Revelation and Inspiration''.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.''' <br> <br><br />
1. Reprinted from ''Church History'' (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions. <br> <br><br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London, 1909), 369. <br> <br><br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br> <br><br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: Mennonitisches Lexikon, edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage (London, 1935); John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, The story of the Mennonites (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," Church history (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the Verein für Reformationsgeschichte, have yet appeared. <br> <br><br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe, 325, from Bullinger's Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung, etc., Zurich, 1560. <br> <br><br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531). <br> <br><br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v. <br> <br><br />
7. F. Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Munich, 1901), I, 230. <br> <br><br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke, ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332. <br> <br><br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1938), XII, 3-26. <br> <br><br />
10. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181. <br> <br><br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187. <br> <br><br />
12. Gottfried Keller's Werke, ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," Mennonite quarterly review [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150. <br> <br><br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites. <br> <br><br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists. <br> <br><br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, Geshichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," Church history (December 1940) IX, 351. <br> <br><br />
16. Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, op. cit., 352. <br> <br><br />
17. Max Göbel, Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens, etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, op. cit., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (op. cit., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten." <br> <br><br />
18. Horsch, op. cit., 289. <br> <br><br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel, ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." American journal of theology (January 1905) IX, 92. <br> <br><br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd. 80), entitled Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn (1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College. <br> <br><br />
21. Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359. <br> <br><br />
22. Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," Mennonite quarterly review (July 1932), VI, 189-191. <br> <br><br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of Martin Luther (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173. <br> <br><br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169. <br> <br><br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (Zwinglis Werke [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29). <br> <br><br />
25. Karl Müller, Kirchengeschichte, II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (Kirchengeschichte. II, 1, 330. ) <br> <br><br />
26. Johannes Kühn, Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." Mennonite quarterly review (July 1934). VIII, 135. <br> <br><br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." Mennonite quarterly review (October 1938), XII, 247. <br> <br><br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott." <br> <br><br />
29. Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel (1531), fol. 75 r. <br> <br><br />
30. S. M. Jackson, Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli (Philadelphia, 1901), 127. <br><br />
31. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 15 v. <br> <br><br />
32. Joachim von Watt, Deutsche Historische Schriften, ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408. <br> <br><br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52. <br><br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 (Berlin, 1902), 36. <br> <br><br />
35. J. J. Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden (Zurich, 1757), I, 824. <br> <br><br />
36. Karl Rembert, Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 564. <br> <br><br />
37. Ernst Müller, ''Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer'' (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne. <br> <br><br />
38. Sebastian Franck, ''Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel'' (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v. <br> <br><br />
39. Schwenckfeld's ''Epistolar'' (1564), 1, 203. <br> <br><br />
40. Bullinger, ''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'' (1561), fol. 170r. <br> <br><br />
41. ''Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg'', ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f. <br> <br><br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff. <br> <br><br />
43. ''Complete Works of Menno Simons'' (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b. <br> <br><br />
44. ''Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen'' (Zurich, 1532). <br> <br><br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, ''op. cit''., 97. <br> <br><br />
46. Horsch, ''op cit''., 386. <br> <br><br />
47. P. Tschackert, ''Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre'' (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love." <br> <br><br />
48. Johannes Kühn, ''op. cit''., 231. fol. 22v. <br> <br><br />
49. Ernst Müller, ''op. cit''., 44. See Ernst Correll, ''op. cit''., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods. <br> <br><br />
50. Horsch, ''op. cit''., 317. <br> <br><br />
51. A. Hulshof, ''Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557'' (Amsterdam, 1905), 216. <br> <br><br />
52. Bullinger, ''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'', fol. 129v. <br> <br><br />
53. John Horsch, ''The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931'' (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, ''Renaissance und Reformation'' (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, ''Hutterian Brethren, 132'', footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in ''Princeton theological review'' (January 1928), XXVI, 88. <br> <br><br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (''Von dem unverschampten fräfel'' [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (''Der Widertäufferen Ursprung'' [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, ''The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey'' (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages. <br> <br><br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, ''op. cit''., 97. <br> <br><br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), ''Testamenterleütterung'' (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r. <br> <br><br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), ''Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt'' (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105. <br> <br><br />
58. ''The Complete Works of Menno Simons'' (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681. <br> <br><br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country. <br> <br><br />
----<br />
<br />
<br />
Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10923
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T15:50:32Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Footnotes */</p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision" <sup> 1 </sup>==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
<br />
These words of Rufus M. Jones<sup>2</sup> constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.<sup>3</sup> There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
<br />
The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<blockquote><br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone. <sup>4</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
<br />
But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
<br />
Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.<sup>5</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.<sup>6</sup> Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect." <sup>7</sup> Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.<sup>8</sup><br />
<br />
The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way." <sup>9</sup> Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
<br />
The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
<br />
Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.<sup>10</sup> The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
<br />
The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.<sup>11</sup><br />
<blockquote><br />
No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
<br />
They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
<br />
. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
<br />
Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
<br />
From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland. <sup>12</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.<sup>13</sup> There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
<br />
There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.<sup>14</sup> There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;<sup>15</sup> and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"<sup>16</sup> and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
<br />
However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.<sup>17</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And Johann Loserth says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.<sup>18</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.<sup>19</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
<blockquote><br />
While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.<sup>20</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
<br />
This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."<sup>21</sup> In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."<sup>22</sup> Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.<sup>23</sup> Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.<sup>24</sup><br />
<br />
The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
<br />
May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,<sup>25</sup> that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
<br />
Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
<br />
First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ<sup>26</sup> The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.<sup>27</sup> The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),<sup>28</sup> the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
<br />
That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."<sup>29</sup> Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.<sup>30</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
<blockquote><br />
Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold. <sup>31</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."<sup>32</sup> Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.<sup>33 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.<sup>34</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God. <sup>35</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God. <sup>36</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".<sup>37</sup><br />
<br />
One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.<sup>38</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."<sup>39</sup> Bullinger himself complained that<br />
<blockquote><br />
...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.<sup>40</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.<sup>41</sup> On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life. <sup>42</sup><br />
<br />
As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
<br />
It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
<br />
An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation [[Menno Simons]] says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.<sup>43</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.<sup>44</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.<sup>45</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.<sup>46</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.<sup>47</sup> This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.<sup>48</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.<sup>49</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."<sup>50</sup> A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."<sup>51</sup> Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<blockquote><br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.<sup>52 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.<sup>53</sup><br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.<sup>55</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.<sup>56</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. <sup>57</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<blockquote><br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.<sup>58</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,<sup>59</sup> the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, ''The Mennonite Quarterly Review'', and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of ''The Mennonite Encyclopedia'', a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of ''Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe''; and ''Biblical Revelation and Inspiration''.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.'''<br />
1. Reprinted from ''Church History'' (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions. <br><br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London, 1909), 369. <br><br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br />
<br><br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: Mennonitisches Lexikon, edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage (London, 1935); John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, The story of the Mennonites (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," Church history (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the Verein für Reformationsgeschichte, have yet appeared. <br><br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe, 325, from Bullinger's Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung, etc., Zurich, 1560. <br><br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531). <br><br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v. <br><br />
7. F. Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Munich, 1901), I, 230. <br><br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke, ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332. <br><br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1938), XII, 3-26. <br><br />
10. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181. <br><br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187. <br><br />
12. Gottfried Keller's Werke, ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," Mennonite quarterly review [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150. <br><br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites. <br><br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists. <br><br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, Geshichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," Church history (December 1940) IX, 351. <br><br />
16. Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, op. cit., 352. <br><br />
17. Max Göbel, Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens, etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, op. cit., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (op. cit., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten." <br><br />
18. Horsch, op. cit., 289. <br><br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel, ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." American journal of theology (January 1905) IX, 92. <br><br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd. 80), entitled Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn (1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College. <br><br />
21. Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359. <br><br />
22. Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," Mennonite quarterly review (July 1932), VI, 189-191. <br><br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of Martin Luther (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173. <br><br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169. <br><br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (Zwinglis Werke [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29). <br><br />
25. Karl Müller, Kirchengeschichte, II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (Kirchengeschichte. II, 1, 330. ) <br><br />
26. Johannes Kühn, Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." Mennonite quarterly review (July 1934). VIII, 135. <br><br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." Mennonite quarterly review (October 1938), XII, 247. <br><br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott." <br><br />
29. Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel (1531), fol. 75 r. <br><br />
30. S. M. Jackson, Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli (Philadelphia, 1901), 127. <br><br />
31. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 15 v. <br><br />
32. Joachim von Watt, Deutsche Historische Schriften, ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408. <br><br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52. <br><br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 (Berlin, 1902), 36. <br><br />
35. J. J. Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden (Zurich, 1757), I, 824. <br><br />
36. Karl Rembert, Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 564. <br><br />
37. Ernst Müller, Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne. <br><br />
38. Sebastian Franck, Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v. <br><br />
39. Schwenckfeld's Epistolar (1564), 1, 203. <br><br />
40. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung (1561), fol. 170r. <br><br />
41. Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg, ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f. <br><br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff. <br><br />
43. Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b. <br><br />
44. Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen (Zurich, 1532). <br><br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97. <br><br />
46. Horsch, op cit., 386. <br><br />
47. P. Tschackert, Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love." <br><br />
48. Johannes Kühn, op. cit., 231. fol. 22v. <br><br />
49. Ernst Müller, op. cit., 44. See Ernst Correll, op. cit., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods. <br><br />
50. Horsch, op. cit., 317. <br><br />
51. A. Hulshof, Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557 (Amsterdam, 1905), 216. <br><br />
52. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 129v. <br><br />
53. John Horsch, The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931 (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, Renaissance und Reformation (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, Hutterian Brethren, 132, footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in Princeton theological review (January 1928), XXVI, 88. <br><br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (Von dem unverschampten fräfel [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (Der Widertäufferen Ursprung [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages. <br><br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97. <br><br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), Testamenterleütterung (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r. <br><br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105. <br><br />
58. The Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681. <br><br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country. <br><br />
----<br />
<br />
<br />
Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10922
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T15:50:03Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Footnotes */</p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision" <sup> 1 </sup>==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
<br />
These words of Rufus M. Jones<sup>2</sup> constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.<sup>3</sup> There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
<br />
The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<blockquote><br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone. <sup>4</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
<br />
But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
<br />
Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.<sup>5</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.<sup>6</sup> Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect." <sup>7</sup> Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.<sup>8</sup><br />
<br />
The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way." <sup>9</sup> Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
<br />
The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
<br />
Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.<sup>10</sup> The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
<br />
The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.<sup>11</sup><br />
<blockquote><br />
No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
<br />
They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
<br />
. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
<br />
Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
<br />
From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland. <sup>12</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.<sup>13</sup> There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
<br />
There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.<sup>14</sup> There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;<sup>15</sup> and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"<sup>16</sup> and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
<br />
However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.<sup>17</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And Johann Loserth says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.<sup>18</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.<sup>19</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
<blockquote><br />
While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.<sup>20</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
<br />
This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."<sup>21</sup> In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."<sup>22</sup> Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.<sup>23</sup> Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.<sup>24</sup><br />
<br />
The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
<br />
May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,<sup>25</sup> that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
<br />
Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
<br />
First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ<sup>26</sup> The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.<sup>27</sup> The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),<sup>28</sup> the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
<br />
That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."<sup>29</sup> Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.<sup>30</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
<blockquote><br />
Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold. <sup>31</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."<sup>32</sup> Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.<sup>33 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.<sup>34</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God. <sup>35</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God. <sup>36</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".<sup>37</sup><br />
<br />
One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.<sup>38</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."<sup>39</sup> Bullinger himself complained that<br />
<blockquote><br />
...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.<sup>40</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.<sup>41</sup> On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life. <sup>42</sup><br />
<br />
As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
<br />
It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
<br />
An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation [[Menno Simons]] says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.<sup>43</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.<sup>44</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.<sup>45</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.<sup>46</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.<sup>47</sup> This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.<sup>48</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.<sup>49</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."<sup>50</sup> A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."<sup>51</sup> Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<blockquote><br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.<sup>52 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.<sup>53</sup><br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.<sup>55</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.<sup>56</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. <sup>57</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<blockquote><br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.<sup>58</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,<sup>59</sup> the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, ''The Mennonite Quarterly Review'', and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of ''The Mennonite Encyclopedia'', a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of ''Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe''; and ''Biblical Revelation and Inspiration''.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.'''<br />
<ol><br />
1. Reprinted from ''Church History'' (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions. <br><br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London, 1909), 369. <br><br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br />
<br><br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: Mennonitisches Lexikon, edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage (London, 1935); John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, The story of the Mennonites (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," Church history (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the Verein für Reformationsgeschichte, have yet appeared. <br><br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe, 325, from Bullinger's Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung, etc., Zurich, 1560. <br><br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531). <br><br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v. <br><br />
7. F. Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Munich, 1901), I, 230. <br><br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke, ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332. <br><br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1938), XII, 3-26. <br><br />
10. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181. <br><br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187. <br><br />
12. Gottfried Keller's Werke, ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," Mennonite quarterly review [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150. <br><br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites. <br><br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists. <br><br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, Geshichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," Church history (December 1940) IX, 351. <br><br />
16. Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, op. cit., 352. <br><br />
17. Max Göbel, Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens, etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, op. cit., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (op. cit., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten." <br><br />
18. Horsch, op. cit., 289. <br><br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel, ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." American journal of theology (January 1905) IX, 92. <br><br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd. 80), entitled Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn (1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College. <br><br />
21. Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359. <br><br />
22. Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," Mennonite quarterly review (July 1932), VI, 189-191. <br><br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of Martin Luther (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173. <br><br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169. <br><br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (Zwinglis Werke [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29). <br><br />
25. Karl Müller, Kirchengeschichte, II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (Kirchengeschichte. II, 1, 330. ) <br><br />
26. Johannes Kühn, Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." Mennonite quarterly review (July 1934). VIII, 135. <br><br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." Mennonite quarterly review (October 1938), XII, 247. <br><br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott." <br><br />
29. Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel (1531), fol. 75 r. <br><br />
30. S. M. Jackson, Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli (Philadelphia, 1901), 127. <br><br />
31. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 15 v. <br><br />
32. Joachim von Watt, Deutsche Historische Schriften, ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408. <br><br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52. <br><br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 (Berlin, 1902), 36. <br><br />
35. J. J. Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden (Zurich, 1757), I, 824. <br><br />
36. Karl Rembert, Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 564. <br><br />
37. Ernst Müller, Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne. <br><br />
38. Sebastian Franck, Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v. <br><br />
39. Schwenckfeld's Epistolar (1564), 1, 203. <br><br />
40. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung (1561), fol. 170r. <br><br />
41. Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg, ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f. <br><br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff. <br><br />
43. Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b. <br><br />
44. Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen (Zurich, 1532). <br><br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97. <br><br />
46. Horsch, op cit., 386. <br><br />
47. P. Tschackert, Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love." <br><br />
48. Johannes Kühn, op. cit., 231. fol. 22v. <br><br />
49. Ernst Müller, op. cit., 44. See Ernst Correll, op. cit., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods. <br><br />
50. Horsch, op. cit., 317. <br><br />
51. A. Hulshof, Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557 (Amsterdam, 1905), 216. <br><br />
52. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 129v. <br><br />
53. John Horsch, The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931 (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, Renaissance und Reformation (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, Hutterian Brethren, 132, footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in Princeton theological review (January 1928), XXVI, 88. <br><br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (Von dem unverschampten fräfel [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (Der Widertäufferen Ursprung [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages. <br><br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97. <br><br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), Testamenterleütterung (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r. <br><br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105. <br><br />
58. The Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681. <br><br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country. <br><br />
</ol><br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
<br />
Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10921
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T15:47:44Z
<p>Hannahec: /* About the Author */</p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision" <sup> 1 </sup>==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
<br />
These words of Rufus M. Jones<sup>2</sup> constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.<sup>3</sup> There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
<br />
The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<blockquote><br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone. <sup>4</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
<br />
But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
<br />
Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.<sup>5</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.<sup>6</sup> Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect." <sup>7</sup> Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.<sup>8</sup><br />
<br />
The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way." <sup>9</sup> Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
<br />
The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
<br />
Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.<sup>10</sup> The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
<br />
The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.<sup>11</sup><br />
<blockquote><br />
No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
<br />
They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
<br />
. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
<br />
Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
<br />
From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland. <sup>12</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.<sup>13</sup> There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
<br />
There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.<sup>14</sup> There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;<sup>15</sup> and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"<sup>16</sup> and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
<br />
However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.<sup>17</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And Johann Loserth says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.<sup>18</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.<sup>19</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
<blockquote><br />
While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.<sup>20</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
<br />
This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."<sup>21</sup> In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."<sup>22</sup> Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.<sup>23</sup> Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.<sup>24</sup><br />
<br />
The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
<br />
May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,<sup>25</sup> that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
<br />
Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
<br />
First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ<sup>26</sup> The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.<sup>27</sup> The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),<sup>28</sup> the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
<br />
That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."<sup>29</sup> Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.<sup>30</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
<blockquote><br />
Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold. <sup>31</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."<sup>32</sup> Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.<sup>33 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.<sup>34</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God. <sup>35</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God. <sup>36</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".<sup>37</sup><br />
<br />
One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.<sup>38</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."<sup>39</sup> Bullinger himself complained that<br />
<blockquote><br />
...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.<sup>40</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.<sup>41</sup> On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life. <sup>42</sup><br />
<br />
As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
<br />
It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
<br />
An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation [[Menno Simons]] says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.<sup>43</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.<sup>44</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.<sup>45</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.<sup>46</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.<sup>47</sup> This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.<sup>48</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.<sup>49</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."<sup>50</sup> A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."<sup>51</sup> Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<blockquote><br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.<sup>52 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.<sup>53</sup><br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.<sup>55</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.<sup>56</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. <sup>57</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<blockquote><br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.<sup>58</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,<sup>59</sup> the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, ''The Mennonite Quarterly Review'', and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of ''The Mennonite Encyclopedia'', a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of ''Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe''; and ''Biblical Revelation and Inspiration''.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.'''<br />
<ol><br />
1. Reprinted from Church History (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions.<br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London, 1909), 369.<br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br />
<br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: Mennonitisches Lexikon, edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage (London, 1935); John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, The story of the Mennonites (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," Church history (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the Verein für Reformationsgeschichte, have yet appeared.<br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe, 325, from Bullinger's Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung, etc., Zurich, 1560.<br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531).<br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v.<br />
7. F. Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Munich, 1901), I, 230.<br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke, ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332.<br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1938), XII, 3-26.<br />
10. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181.<br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187.<br />
12. Gottfried Keller's Werke, ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," Mennonite quarterly review [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150.<br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites.<br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists.<br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, Geshichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," Church history (December 1940) IX, 351.<br />
16. Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, op. cit., 352.<br />
17. Max Göbel, Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens, etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, op. cit., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (op. cit., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten."<br />
18. Horsch, op. cit., 289.<br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel, ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." American journal of theology (January 1905) IX, 92.<br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd. 80), entitled Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn (1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College.<br />
21. Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359.<br />
22. Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," Mennonite quarterly review (July 1932), VI, 189-191.<br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of Martin Luther (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173.<br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169.<br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (Zwinglis Werke [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29).<br />
25. Karl Müller, Kirchengeschichte, II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (Kirchengeschichte. II, 1, 330. )<br />
26. Johannes Kühn, Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." Mennonite quarterly review (July 1934). VIII, 135.<br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." Mennonite quarterly review (October 1938), XII, 247.<br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott."<br />
29. Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel (1531), fol. 75 r.<br />
30. S. M. Jackson, Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli (Philadelphia, 1901), 127.<br />
31. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 15 v.<br />
32. Joachim von Watt, Deutsche Historische Schriften, ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408.<br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52.<br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 (Berlin, 1902), 36.<br />
35. J. J. Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden (Zurich, 1757), I, 824.<br />
36. Karl Rembert, Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 564.<br />
37. Ernst Müller, Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne.<br />
38. Sebastian Franck, Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v.<br />
39. Schwenckfeld's Epistolar (1564), 1, 203.<br />
40. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung (1561), fol. 170r.<br />
41. Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg, ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f.<br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff.<br />
43. Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b.<br />
44. Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen (Zurich, 1532).<br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
46. Horsch, op cit., 386.<br />
47. P. Tschackert, Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love."<br />
48. Johannes Kühn, op. cit., 231. fol. 22v.<br />
49. Ernst Müller, op. cit., 44. See Ernst Correll, op. cit., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods.<br />
50. Horsch, op. cit., 317.<br />
51. A. Hulshof, Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557 (Amsterdam, 1905), 216.<br />
52. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 129v.<br />
53. John Horsch, The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931 (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, Renaissance und Reformation (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, Hutterian Brethren, 132, footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in Princeton theological review (January 1928), XXVI, 88.<br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (Von dem unverschampten fräfel [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (Der Widertäufferen Ursprung [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages.<br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), Testamenterleütterung (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r.<br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105.<br />
58. The Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681.<br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country.<br />
</ol><br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
<br />
Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10920
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T15:41:12Z
<p>Hannahec: </p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision" <sup> 1 </sup>==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
<br />
These words of Rufus M. Jones<sup>2</sup> constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.<sup>3</sup> There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
<br />
The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<blockquote><br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone. <sup>4</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
<br />
But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
<br />
Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.<sup>5</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.<sup>6</sup> Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect." <sup>7</sup> Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.<sup>8</sup><br />
<br />
The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way." <sup>9</sup> Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
<br />
The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
<br />
Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.<sup>10</sup> The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
<br />
The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.<sup>11</sup><br />
<blockquote><br />
No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
<br />
They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
<br />
. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
<br />
Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
<br />
From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland. <sup>12</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.<sup>13</sup> There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
<br />
There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.<sup>14</sup> There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;<sup>15</sup> and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"<sup>16</sup> and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
<br />
However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.<sup>17</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And Johann Loserth says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.<sup>18</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.<sup>19</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
<blockquote><br />
While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.<sup>20</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
<br />
This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."<sup>21</sup> In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."<sup>22</sup> Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.<sup>23</sup> Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.<sup>24</sup><br />
<br />
The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
<br />
May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,<sup>25</sup> that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
<br />
Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
<br />
First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ<sup>26</sup> The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.<sup>27</sup> The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),<sup>28</sup> the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
<br />
That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."<sup>29</sup> Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.<sup>30</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
<blockquote><br />
Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold. <sup>31</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."<sup>32</sup> Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.<sup>33 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.<sup>34</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God. <sup>35</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God. <sup>36</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".<sup>37</sup><br />
<br />
One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.<sup>38</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."<sup>39</sup> Bullinger himself complained that<br />
<blockquote><br />
...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.<sup>40</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.<sup>41</sup> On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life. <sup>42</sup><br />
<br />
As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
<br />
It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
<br />
An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation [[Menno Simons]] says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.<sup>43</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.<sup>44</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.<sup>45</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.<sup>46</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.<sup>47</sup> This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.<sup>48</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.<sup>49</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."<sup>50</sup> A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."<sup>51</sup> Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<blockquote><br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.<sup>52 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.<sup>53</sup><br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.<sup>55</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.<sup>56</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. <sup>57</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<blockquote><br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.<sup>58</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,<sup>59</sup> the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, The Mennonite Quarterly Review, and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of The Mennonite Encyclopedia, a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe; and Biblical Revelation and Inspiration.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.'''<br />
<ol><br />
1. Reprinted from Church History (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions.<br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London, 1909), 369.<br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br />
<br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: Mennonitisches Lexikon, edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage (London, 1935); John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, The story of the Mennonites (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," Church history (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the Verein für Reformationsgeschichte, have yet appeared.<br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe, 325, from Bullinger's Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung, etc., Zurich, 1560.<br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531).<br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v.<br />
7. F. Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Munich, 1901), I, 230.<br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke, ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332.<br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1938), XII, 3-26.<br />
10. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181.<br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187.<br />
12. Gottfried Keller's Werke, ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," Mennonite quarterly review [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150.<br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites.<br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists.<br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, Geshichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," Church history (December 1940) IX, 351.<br />
16. Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, op. cit., 352.<br />
17. Max Göbel, Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens, etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, op. cit., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (op. cit., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten."<br />
18. Horsch, op. cit., 289.<br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel, ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." American journal of theology (January 1905) IX, 92.<br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd. 80), entitled Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn (1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College.<br />
21. Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359.<br />
22. Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," Mennonite quarterly review (July 1932), VI, 189-191.<br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of Martin Luther (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173.<br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169.<br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (Zwinglis Werke [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29).<br />
25. Karl Müller, Kirchengeschichte, II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (Kirchengeschichte. II, 1, 330. )<br />
26. Johannes Kühn, Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." Mennonite quarterly review (July 1934). VIII, 135.<br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." Mennonite quarterly review (October 1938), XII, 247.<br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott."<br />
29. Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel (1531), fol. 75 r.<br />
30. S. M. Jackson, Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli (Philadelphia, 1901), 127.<br />
31. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 15 v.<br />
32. Joachim von Watt, Deutsche Historische Schriften, ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408.<br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52.<br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 (Berlin, 1902), 36.<br />
35. J. J. Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden (Zurich, 1757), I, 824.<br />
36. Karl Rembert, Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 564.<br />
37. Ernst Müller, Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne.<br />
38. Sebastian Franck, Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v.<br />
39. Schwenckfeld's Epistolar (1564), 1, 203.<br />
40. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung (1561), fol. 170r.<br />
41. Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg, ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f.<br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff.<br />
43. Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b.<br />
44. Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen (Zurich, 1532).<br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
46. Horsch, op cit., 386.<br />
47. P. Tschackert, Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love."<br />
48. Johannes Kühn, op. cit., 231. fol. 22v.<br />
49. Ernst Müller, op. cit., 44. See Ernst Correll, op. cit., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods.<br />
50. Horsch, op. cit., 317.<br />
51. A. Hulshof, Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557 (Amsterdam, 1905), 216.<br />
52. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 129v.<br />
53. John Horsch, The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931 (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, Renaissance und Reformation (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, Hutterian Brethren, 132, footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in Princeton theological review (January 1928), XXVI, 88.<br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (Von dem unverschampten fräfel [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (Der Widertäufferen Ursprung [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages.<br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), Testamenterleütterung (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r.<br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105.<br />
58. The Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681.<br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country.<br />
</ol><br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
<br />
Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10919
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T15:39:54Z
<p>Hannahec: /* "The Anabaptist Vision" 1 */</p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision" <sup> 1 </sup>==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
<br />
These words of Rufus M. Jones<sup>2</sup> constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.<sup>3</sup> There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
<br />
The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<blockquote><br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone. <sup>4</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
<br />
But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
<br />
Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.<sup>5</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.<sup>6</sup> Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect." <sup>7</sup> Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.<sup>8</sup><br />
<br />
The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way." <sup>9</sup> Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
<br />
The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
<br />
Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.<sup>10</sup> The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
<br />
The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.<sup>11</sup><br />
<blockquote><br />
No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
<br />
They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
<br />
. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
<br />
Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
<br />
From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland. <sup>12</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.<sup>13</sup> There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
<br />
There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.<sup>14</sup> There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;<sup>15</sup> and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"<sup>16</sup> and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
<br />
However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.<sup>17</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And Johann Loserth says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.<sup>18</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.<sup>19</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
<blockquote><br />
While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.<sup>20</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
<br />
This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."<sup>21</sup> In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."<sup>22</sup> Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.<sup>23</sup> Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.<sup>24</sup><br />
<br />
The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
<br />
May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,<sup>25</sup> that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
<br />
Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
<br />
First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ<sup>26</sup> The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.<sup>27</sup> The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),<sup>28</sup> the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
<br />
That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."<sup>29</sup> Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.<sup>30</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
<blockquote><br />
Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold. <sup>31</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."<sup>32</sup> Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.<sup>33 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.<sup>34</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God. <sup>35</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God. <sup>36</sup><br />
<blockquote><br />
A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".<sup>37</sup><br />
<br />
One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.<sup>38</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."<sup>39</sup> Bullinger himself complained that<br />
<blockquote><br />
...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.<sup>40</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.<sup>41</sup> On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life. <sup>42</sup><br />
<br />
As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
<br />
It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
<br />
An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation [[Menno Simons]] says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.<sup>43</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.<sup>44</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.<sup>45</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.<sup>46</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.<sup>47</sup> This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.<sup>48</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.<sup>49</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."<sup>50</sup> A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."<sup>51</sup> Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<blockquote><br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.<sup>52 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.<sup>53</sup><br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.<sup>55</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.<sup>56</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. <sup>57</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<blockquote><br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.<sup>58</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,<sup>59</sup> the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, The Mennonite Quarterly Review, and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of The Mennonite Encyclopedia, a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe; and Biblical Revelation and Inspiration.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.'''<br />
<ol><br />
1. Reprinted from Church History (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions.<br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London, 1909), 369.<br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br />
<br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: Mennonitisches Lexikon, edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage (London, 1935); John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, The story of the Mennonites (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," Church history (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the Verein für Reformationsgeschichte, have yet appeared.<br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe, 325, from Bullinger's Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung, etc., Zurich, 1560.<br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531).<br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v.<br />
7. F. Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Munich, 1901), I, 230.<br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke, ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332.<br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1938), XII, 3-26.<br />
10. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181.<br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187.<br />
12. Gottfried Keller's Werke, ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," Mennonite quarterly review [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150.<br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites.<br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists.<br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, Geshichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," Church history (December 1940) IX, 351.<br />
16. Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, op. cit., 352.<br />
17. Max Göbel, Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens, etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, op. cit., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (op. cit., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten."<br />
18. Horsch, op. cit., 289.<br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel, ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." American journal of theology (January 1905) IX, 92.<br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd. 80), entitled Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn (1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College.<br />
21. Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359.<br />
22. Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," Mennonite quarterly review (July 1932), VI, 189-191.<br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of Martin Luther (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173.<br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169.<br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (Zwinglis Werke [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29).<br />
25. Karl Müller, Kirchengeschichte, II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (Kirchengeschichte. II, 1, 330. )<br />
26. Johannes Kühn, Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." Mennonite quarterly review (July 1934). VIII, 135.<br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." Mennonite quarterly review (October 1938), XII, 247.<br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott."<br />
29. Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel (1531), fol. 75 r.<br />
30. S. M. Jackson, Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli (Philadelphia, 1901), 127.<br />
31. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 15 v.<br />
32. Joachim von Watt, Deutsche Historische Schriften, ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408.<br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52.<br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 (Berlin, 1902), 36.<br />
35. J. J. Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden (Zurich, 1757), I, 824.<br />
36. Karl Rembert, Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 564.<br />
37. Ernst Müller, Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne.<br />
38. Sebastian Franck, Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v.<br />
39. Schwenckfeld's Epistolar (1564), 1, 203.<br />
40. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung (1561), fol. 170r.<br />
41. Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg, ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f.<br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff.<br />
43. Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b.<br />
44. Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen (Zurich, 1532).<br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
46. Horsch, op cit., 386.<br />
47. P. Tschackert, Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love."<br />
48. Johannes Kühn, op. cit., 231. fol. 22v.<br />
49. Ernst Müller, op. cit., 44. See Ernst Correll, op. cit., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods.<br />
50. Horsch, op. cit., 317.<br />
51. A. Hulshof, Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557 (Amsterdam, 1905), 216.<br />
52. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 129v.<br />
53. John Horsch, The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931 (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, Renaissance und Reformation (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, Hutterian Brethren, 132, footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in Princeton theological review (January 1928), XXVI, 88.<br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (Von dem unverschampten fräfel [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (Der Widertäufferen Ursprung [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages.<br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), Testamenterleütterung (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r.<br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105.<br />
58. The Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681.<br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country.<br />
</ol><br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
<br />
Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10918
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T15:35:00Z
<p>Hannahec: /* "The Anabaptist Vision" 1 */</p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision" <sup> 1 </sup>==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
<br />
These words of Rufus M. Jones2 constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.3 There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
<br />
The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<blockquote><br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone. <sup>4</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
<br />
But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
<br />
Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.<sup>5</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.<sup>6</sup> Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect." <sup>7</sup> Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.<sup>8</sup><br />
<br />
The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way." <sup>9</sup> Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
<br />
The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
<br />
Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.<sup>10</sup> The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
<br />
The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.<sup>11</sup><br />
<blockquote><br />
No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
<br />
They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
<br />
. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
<br />
Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
<br />
From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland. <sup>12</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.<sup>13</sup> There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
<br />
There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.<sup>14</sup> There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;<sup>15</sup> and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"<sup>16</sup> and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
<br />
However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.<sup>17</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And Johann Loserth says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.<sup>18</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.<sup>19</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
<blockquote><br />
While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.<sup>20</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
<br />
This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."21 In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."22 Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.23 Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.24<br />
<br />
The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
<br />
May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,25 that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
<br />
Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
<br />
First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ26 The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.27 The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),28 the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
<br />
That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."29 Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.<sup>30</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
<blockquote><br />
Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold. <sup>31</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."<sup>32</sup> Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.<sup>33 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.<sup>34</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God. <sup>35</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God. <sup>36</sup><br />
<blockquote><br />
A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".37<br />
<br />
One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.<sup>38</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."<sup>39</sup> Bullinger himself complained that<br />
<blockquote><br />
...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.<sup>40</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.<sup>41</sup> On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life. <sup>42</sup><br />
<br />
As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
<br />
It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
<br />
An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation [[Menno Simons]] says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.<sup>43</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.<sup>44</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.<sup>45</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.<sup>46</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.47 This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<blockquote><br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.<sup>48</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.<sup>49</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."50 A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."<sup>51</sup> Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<blockquote><br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.<sup>52 </sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.<sup>53</sup><br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<blockquote><br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.<sup>55</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<blockquote><br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.<sup>56</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<blockquote><br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. <sup>57</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<blockquote><br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.<sup>58</sup><br />
</blockquote><br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,59 the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, The Mennonite Quarterly Review, and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of The Mennonite Encyclopedia, a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe; and Biblical Revelation and Inspiration.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.'''<br />
<ol><br />
1. Reprinted from Church History (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions.<br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London, 1909), 369.<br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br />
<br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: Mennonitisches Lexikon, edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage (London, 1935); John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, The story of the Mennonites (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," Church history (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the Verein für Reformationsgeschichte, have yet appeared.<br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe, 325, from Bullinger's Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung, etc., Zurich, 1560.<br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531).<br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v.<br />
7. F. Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Munich, 1901), I, 230.<br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke, ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332.<br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1938), XII, 3-26.<br />
10. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181.<br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187.<br />
12. Gottfried Keller's Werke, ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," Mennonite quarterly review [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150.<br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites.<br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists.<br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, Geshichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," Church history (December 1940) IX, 351.<br />
16. Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, op. cit., 352.<br />
17. Max Göbel, Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens, etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, op. cit., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (op. cit., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten."<br />
18. Horsch, op. cit., 289.<br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel, ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." American journal of theology (January 1905) IX, 92.<br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd. 80), entitled Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn (1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College.<br />
21. Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359.<br />
22. Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," Mennonite quarterly review (July 1932), VI, 189-191.<br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of Martin Luther (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173.<br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169.<br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (Zwinglis Werke [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29).<br />
25. Karl Müller, Kirchengeschichte, II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (Kirchengeschichte. II, 1, 330. )<br />
26. Johannes Kühn, Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." Mennonite quarterly review (July 1934). VIII, 135.<br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." Mennonite quarterly review (October 1938), XII, 247.<br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott."<br />
29. Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel (1531), fol. 75 r.<br />
30. S. M. Jackson, Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli (Philadelphia, 1901), 127.<br />
31. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 15 v.<br />
32. Joachim von Watt, Deutsche Historische Schriften, ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408.<br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52.<br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 (Berlin, 1902), 36.<br />
35. J. J. Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden (Zurich, 1757), I, 824.<br />
36. Karl Rembert, Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 564.<br />
37. Ernst Müller, Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne.<br />
38. Sebastian Franck, Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v.<br />
39. Schwenckfeld's Epistolar (1564), 1, 203.<br />
40. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung (1561), fol. 170r.<br />
41. Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg, ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f.<br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff.<br />
43. Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b.<br />
44. Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen (Zurich, 1532).<br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
46. Horsch, op cit., 386.<br />
47. P. Tschackert, Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love."<br />
48. Johannes Kühn, op. cit., 231. fol. 22v.<br />
49. Ernst Müller, op. cit., 44. See Ernst Correll, op. cit., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods.<br />
50. Horsch, op. cit., 317.<br />
51. A. Hulshof, Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557 (Amsterdam, 1905), 216.<br />
52. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 129v.<br />
53. John Horsch, The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931 (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, Renaissance und Reformation (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, Hutterian Brethren, 132, footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in Princeton theological review (January 1928), XXVI, 88.<br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (Von dem unverschampten fräfel [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (Der Widertäufferen Ursprung [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages.<br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), Testamenterleütterung (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r.<br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105.<br />
58. The Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681.<br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country.<br />
</ol><br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
<br />
Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10917
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T15:21:37Z
<p>Hannahec: /* "The Anabaptist Vision"1 */</p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision" <sup> 1 </sup>==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
<br />
These words of Rufus M. Jones2 constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.3 There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
<br />
The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone.4<br />
<br />
Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
<br />
But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
<br />
Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
<br />
The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.5<br />
<br />
In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.6 Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect."7 Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.8<br />
<br />
The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way."9 Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
<br />
The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
<br />
Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.10 The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
<br />
The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.11<br />
<br />
No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
<br />
They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
<br />
. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
<br />
Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
<br />
From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
<br />
Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
<br />
Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland.12<br />
<br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.13 There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
<br />
There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.14 There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;15 and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"16 and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
<br />
However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
<br />
The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.17<br />
<br />
And Johann Loserth says:<br />
<br />
More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.18<br />
<br />
The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
<br />
Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.19<br />
<br />
A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
<br />
While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.20<br />
<br />
It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
<br />
This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."21 In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."22 Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.23 Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.24<br />
<br />
The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
<br />
May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,25 that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
<br />
Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
<br />
First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ26 The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.27 The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),28 the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
<br />
That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."29 Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.30<br />
<br />
Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
<br />
Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold.31<br />
<br />
Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."32 Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
<br />
I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.33<br />
<br />
The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
<br />
The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.34<br />
<br />
Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
<br />
Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God.35<br />
<br />
And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
<br />
Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God.36<br />
<br />
A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".37<br />
<br />
One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
<br />
The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.38<br />
<br />
A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."39 Bullinger himself complained that<br />
<br />
...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.40<br />
<br />
The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.41 On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life.42<br />
<br />
As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
<br />
It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
<br />
An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation Menno Simons says:<br />
<br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.43<br />
<br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.44<br />
<br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.45<br />
<br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.46<br />
<br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.47 This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.48<br />
<br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.49<br />
<br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."50 A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."51 Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.52<br />
<br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.53<br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.55<br />
<br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.56<br />
<br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. 57<br />
<br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.58<br />
<br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,59 the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, The Mennonite Quarterly Review, and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of The Mennonite Encyclopedia, a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe; and Biblical Revelation and Inspiration.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.'''<br />
<ol><br />
1. Reprinted from Church History (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions.<br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London, 1909), 369.<br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br />
<br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: Mennonitisches Lexikon, edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage (London, 1935); John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, The story of the Mennonites (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," Church history (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the Verein für Reformationsgeschichte, have yet appeared.<br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe, 325, from Bullinger's Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung, etc., Zurich, 1560.<br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531).<br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v.<br />
7. F. Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Munich, 1901), I, 230.<br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke, ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332.<br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1938), XII, 3-26.<br />
10. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181.<br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187.<br />
12. Gottfried Keller's Werke, ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," Mennonite quarterly review [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150.<br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites.<br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists.<br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, Geshichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," Church history (December 1940) IX, 351.<br />
16. Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, op. cit., 352.<br />
17. Max Göbel, Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens, etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, op. cit., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (op. cit., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten."<br />
18. Horsch, op. cit., 289.<br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel, ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." American journal of theology (January 1905) IX, 92.<br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd. 80), entitled Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn (1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College.<br />
21. Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359.<br />
22. Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," Mennonite quarterly review (July 1932), VI, 189-191.<br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of Martin Luther (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173.<br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169.<br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (Zwinglis Werke [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29).<br />
25. Karl Müller, Kirchengeschichte, II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (Kirchengeschichte. II, 1, 330. )<br />
26. Johannes Kühn, Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." Mennonite quarterly review (July 1934). VIII, 135.<br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." Mennonite quarterly review (October 1938), XII, 247.<br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott."<br />
29. Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel (1531), fol. 75 r.<br />
30. S. M. Jackson, Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli (Philadelphia, 1901), 127.<br />
31. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 15 v.<br />
32. Joachim von Watt, Deutsche Historische Schriften, ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408.<br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52.<br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 (Berlin, 1902), 36.<br />
35. J. J. Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden (Zurich, 1757), I, 824.<br />
36. Karl Rembert, Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 564.<br />
37. Ernst Müller, Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne.<br />
38. Sebastian Franck, Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v.<br />
39. Schwenckfeld's Epistolar (1564), 1, 203.<br />
40. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung (1561), fol. 170r.<br />
41. Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg, ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f.<br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff.<br />
43. Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b.<br />
44. Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen (Zurich, 1532).<br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
46. Horsch, op cit., 386.<br />
47. P. Tschackert, Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love."<br />
48. Johannes Kühn, op. cit., 231. fol. 22v.<br />
49. Ernst Müller, op. cit., 44. See Ernst Correll, op. cit., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods.<br />
50. Horsch, op. cit., 317.<br />
51. A. Hulshof, Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557 (Amsterdam, 1905), 216.<br />
52. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 129v.<br />
53. John Horsch, The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931 (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, Renaissance und Reformation (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, Hutterian Brethren, 132, footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in Princeton theological review (January 1928), XXVI, 88.<br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (Von dem unverschampten fräfel [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (Der Widertäufferen Ursprung [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages.<br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), Testamenterleütterung (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r.<br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105.<br />
58. The Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681.<br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country.<br />
</ol><br />
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Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10916
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T15:18:14Z
<p>Hannahec: /* About the Author */</p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision"1==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
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These words of Rufus M. Jones2 constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.3 There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
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The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
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One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone.4<br />
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Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
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But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
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Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
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The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.5<br />
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In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.6 Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect."7 Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.8<br />
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The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way."9 Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
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The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
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Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.10 The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
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The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.11<br />
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No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
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They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
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. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
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Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
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From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
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Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
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Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland.12<br />
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Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.13 There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
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There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.14 There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;15 and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"16 and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
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However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
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The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.17<br />
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And Johann Loserth says:<br />
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More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.18<br />
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The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
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Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.19<br />
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A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
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While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.20<br />
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It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
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This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."21 In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."22 Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.23 Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.24<br />
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The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
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May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,25 that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
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Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
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First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ26 The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.27 The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),28 the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
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That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."29 Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
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If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.30<br />
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Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
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Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold.31<br />
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Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."32 Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
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I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.33<br />
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The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
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The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.34<br />
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Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
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Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God.35<br />
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And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
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Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God.36<br />
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A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".37<br />
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One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
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The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.38<br />
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A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."39 Bullinger himself complained that<br />
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...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.40<br />
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The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.41 On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life.42<br />
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As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
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It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
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An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation Menno Simons says:<br />
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All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.43<br />
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In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
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The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.44<br />
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In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
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A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
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True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.45<br />
<br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.46<br />
<br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.47 This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.48<br />
<br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.49<br />
<br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."50 A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."51 Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.52<br />
<br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.53<br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.55<br />
<br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.56<br />
<br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. 57<br />
<br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.58<br />
<br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,59 the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, The Mennonite Quarterly Review, and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of The Mennonite Encyclopedia, a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe; and Biblical Revelation and Inspiration.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.'''<br />
<ol><br />
1. Reprinted from Church History (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions.<br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London, 1909), 369.<br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br />
<br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: Mennonitisches Lexikon, edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage (London, 1935); John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, The story of the Mennonites (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," Church history (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the Verein für Reformationsgeschichte, have yet appeared.<br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe, 325, from Bullinger's Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung, etc., Zurich, 1560.<br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531).<br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v.<br />
7. F. Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Munich, 1901), I, 230.<br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke, ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332.<br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1938), XII, 3-26.<br />
10. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181.<br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187.<br />
12. Gottfried Keller's Werke, ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," Mennonite quarterly review [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150.<br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites.<br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists.<br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, Geshichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," Church history (December 1940) IX, 351.<br />
16. Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, op. cit., 352.<br />
17. Max Göbel, Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens, etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, op. cit., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (op. cit., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten."<br />
18. Horsch, op. cit., 289.<br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel, ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." American journal of theology (January 1905) IX, 92.<br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd. 80), entitled Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn (1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College.<br />
21. Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359.<br />
22. Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," Mennonite quarterly review (July 1932), VI, 189-191.<br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of Martin Luther (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173.<br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169.<br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (Zwinglis Werke [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29).<br />
25. Karl Müller, Kirchengeschichte, II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (Kirchengeschichte. II, 1, 330. )<br />
26. Johannes Kühn, Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." Mennonite quarterly review (July 1934). VIII, 135.<br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." Mennonite quarterly review (October 1938), XII, 247.<br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott."<br />
29. Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel (1531), fol. 75 r.<br />
30. S. M. Jackson, Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli (Philadelphia, 1901), 127.<br />
31. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 15 v.<br />
32. Joachim von Watt, Deutsche Historische Schriften, ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408.<br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52.<br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 (Berlin, 1902), 36.<br />
35. J. J. Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden (Zurich, 1757), I, 824.<br />
36. Karl Rembert, Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 564.<br />
37. Ernst Müller, Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne.<br />
38. Sebastian Franck, Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v.<br />
39. Schwenckfeld's Epistolar (1564), 1, 203.<br />
40. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung (1561), fol. 170r.<br />
41. Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg, ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f.<br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff.<br />
43. Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b.<br />
44. Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen (Zurich, 1532).<br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
46. Horsch, op cit., 386.<br />
47. P. Tschackert, Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love."<br />
48. Johannes Kühn, op. cit., 231. fol. 22v.<br />
49. Ernst Müller, op. cit., 44. See Ernst Correll, op. cit., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods.<br />
50. Horsch, op. cit., 317.<br />
51. A. Hulshof, Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557 (Amsterdam, 1905), 216.<br />
52. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 129v.<br />
53. John Horsch, The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931 (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, Renaissance und Reformation (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, Hutterian Brethren, 132, footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in Princeton theological review (January 1928), XXVI, 88.<br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (Von dem unverschampten fräfel [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (Der Widertäufferen Ursprung [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages.<br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), Testamenterleütterung (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r.<br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105.<br />
58. The Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681.<br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country.<br />
</ol><br />
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Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=The_Anabaptist_Vision_(1944)&diff=10915
The Anabaptist Vision (1944)
2012-07-09T15:17:51Z
<p>Hannahec: Created page with "Harold S. Bender, 1944. =="The Anabaptist Vision"1== "Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and..."</p>
<hr />
<div>Harold S. Bender, 1944. <br />
<br />
=="The Anabaptist Vision"1==<br />
<br />
"Judged by the reception it met at the hands of those in power, both in Church and State, equally in Roman Catholic and in Protestant countries, the Anabaptist movement was one of the most tragic in the history of Christianity; but, judged by the principles, which were put into play by the men who bore this reproachful nickname, it must be pronounced one of the most momentous and significant undertakings in man's eventful religious struggle after the truth. It gathered up the gains of earlier movements, it is the spiritual soil out of which all nonconformist sects have sprung, and it is the first plain announcement in modern history of a programme for a new type of Christian society which the modern world, especially in America and England, has been slowly realizing -an absolutely free and independent religious society, and a State in which every man counts as a man, and has his share in shaping both Church and State."<br />
<br />
These words of Rufus M. Jones2 constitute one of the best characterizations of Anabaptism and its contribution to our modern Christian culture to be found in the English language. They were brave words when they were written thirty-five years ago, but they have been abundantly verified by a generation of Anabaptist research since that time.3 There can be no question but that the great principles of freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, and voluntarism in religion, so basic in American Protestantism and so essential to democracy, ultimately are derived from the Anabaptists of the Reformation period, who for the first time clearly enunciated them and challenged the Christian world to follow them in practice. The line of descent through the centuries since that time may not always be clear, and may have passed through other intermediate movements and groups, but the debt to original Anabaptism is unquestioned.<br />
<br />
The sixteenth-century reformers understood the Anabaptist position on this point all too well, and deliberately rejected it. The best witness is Heinrich Bullinger, Zwingli's successor in Zurich, whose active life-span covers the first fifty years of the history of the Swiss Anabaptists and who knew them so well that he published two extensive treatises against them in 1531 and 1561. According to Bullinger, the Swiss Brethren taught that:<br />
<br />
One cannot and should not use force to compel anyone to accept the faith, for faith is a free gift of God. It is wrong to compel anyone by force or coercion to embrace the faith, or to put to death anyone for the sake of his erring faith. It is an error that in the church and sword other than that of the divine Word should be used. The secular kingdom should be separated from the church, and no secular ruler should exercise authority in the church. The Lord has commanded simply to preach the Gospel, not to compel anyone by force to accept it. The true church of Christ has the characteristic that it suffers and endures persecution but does not inflict persecution upon anyone.4<br />
<br />
Bullinger reports these ideas, not in commendation but in condemnation urging the need of rigid suppression. He attempts a point by point refutation of the Anabaptist teaching, closing with the assertion that to put to death Anabaptists is a necessary and commendable service.<br />
<br />
But great as is the Anabaptist contribution to the development of religious liberty, this concept not only does not exhaust but actually fails to define the true essence of Anabaptism. In the last analysis freedom of religion is a purely formal concept, barren of content; it says nothing about the faith or the way of life of those who advocate it, nor does it reveal their goals or program of action. And Anabaptism had not only clearly defined goals but also an action program of definiteness and power. In fact the more intimately one becomes acquainted with this group the more one becomes conscious of the great vision that shaped their course in history and for which they gladly gave their lives.<br />
<br />
Before describing this vision it is well to note its attractiveness to the masses of Christians of the sixteenth century. Sebastian Franck, himself an opponent, wrote in 1531, scarcely seven years after the rise of the movement in Zurich:<br />
<br />
The Anabaptists spread so rapidly that their teaching soon covered the land as it were. They soon gained a large following, and baptized thousands, drawing to themselves many sincere souls who had a zeal for God.... They increased so rapidly that the world feared an uprising by them though I have learned that this fear had no justification whatsoever.5<br />
<br />
In the same year Bullinger wrote that "the people were running after them as though they were living saints.6 Another contemporary writer asserts that " Anabaptism spread with such speed that there was reason to fear that the majority of the common people would unite with this sect."7 Zwingli was so frightened by the power of the movement that he complained that the struggle with the Catholic party was "tub child's play" compared to the conflict with the Anabaptists.8<br />
<br />
The dreadful severity of the persecution of the Anabaptist movement in the years 1527-60 not only in Switzerland, South Germany, and Thuringia, but in all the Austrian lands as well as in the Low Countries, testifies to the power of the movement and the desperate haste with which Catholic, Lutheran, and Zwinglian authorities alike strove to throttle it before it should be too late. The notorious decree issued in 1529 by the Diet of Spires (the same diet which protested the restriction of evangelical liberties) summarily passed the sentence of death upon all Anabaptists, ordering that "every Anabaptist and rebaptized person of either sex should be put to death by fire, sword, or some other way."9 Repeatedly in subsequent sessions of the imperial diet this decree was reinvoked and intensified; and as late as 1551 the Diet of Augsburg issued a decree ordering that judges and jurors who had scruples against pronouncing the death sentence on Anabaptists be removed from office and punished by heavy fines and imprisonment.<br />
<br />
The authorities had great difficulty in executing their program of suppression, for they soon discovered that the Anabaptists feared neither torture nor death, and gladly sealed their faith with their blood. In fact the joyful testimony of the Anabaptist martyrs was a great stimulus to new recruits, for it stirred the imagination of the populace as nothing else could have done.<br />
<br />
Finding, therefore, that the customary method of individual trials and sentences was proving totally inadequate to stem the tide, the authorities resorted to the desperate expedient of sending out through the land companies of armed executioners and mounted soldiers to hunt down the Anabaptists and kill them on the spot singly or en masse without trial or sentence. The most atrocious application of this policy was made in Swabia where the original 400 special police of 1528 sent against the Anabaptists proved too small a force and had to be increased to 1,000. An imperial provost marshal, Berthold Aichele, served as chief administrator of this bloody program in Swabia and other regions until he finally broke down in terror and dismay, and after an execution at Brixen lifted his hands to heaven and swore a solemn oath never again to put to death an Anabaptist, which vow he kept.10 The Count of Alzey in the Palatinate, after 350 Anabaptists had been executed there, was heard to exclaim, "What shall I do, the more I kill, the greater becomes their number!"<br />
<br />
The extensive persecution and martyrdom of the Anabaptists testify not only of the great extent of the movement but also of the power of the vision that burned within them. This is most effectively presented in a moving account written in 1542 and taken from the ancient Hutterian chronicle where it is found at the close of a report of 2,173 brethren and sisters who gave their lives for their faith.11<br />
<br />
No human being was able to take away out of their hearts what they had experienced, such zealous lovers of God were they. The fire of God burned within them. They would die the bitterest death, yea, they would die ten deaths rather than forsake the divine truth which they had espoused....<br />
<br />
They had drunk of the waters which had flowed from God's sanctuary, yea, the water of life. They realized that God helped them to bear the cross and to overcome the bitterness of death. The fire of God burned within them. Their tent they had pitched not here upon earth, but in eternity, and of their faith they had a foundation and assurance. Their faith blossomed as a lily, their loyalty as a rose, their piety and sincerity as the flower of the garden of God. The angel of the Lord battled for them that they could not be deprived of the helmet of salvation. Therefore they bore all torture and agony without fear. The things of this world they counted in their holy mind only as shadows, having the assurance of greater things. They were so drawn unto God that they knew nothing, sought nothing, desired nothing, loved nothing but God alone. Therefore they had more patience in their suffering than their enemies in tormenting them.<br />
<br />
. . . The persecutors thought they could dampen and extinguish the fire of God. But the prisoners sang in their prisons and rejoiced so that the enemies outside became much more fearful than the prisoners and did not know what to do with them....<br />
<br />
Many were talked to in wonderful ways, often day and night. They were argued with, with great cunning and cleverness, with many sweet and smooth words, by monks and priests, by doctors of theology, with much false testimony, with threats and scolding and mockery, yea, with lies and grievous slander against the brotherhood, but none of these things moved them or made them falter.<br />
<br />
From the shedding of such innocent blood arose Christians everywhere, brothers all, for all this persecution did not take place without fruit.<br />
<br />
Perhaps this interpretation of the Anabaptist spirit should be discounted as too glowing, coming as it does from the group itself, but certainly it is nearer to the truth than the typical harsh nineteenth-century interpretation of the movement which is well represented by the opening sentence of Ursula, the notable historical novel on the Anabaptists published in 1878 by the Swiss Gottfried Keller, next to Goethe perhaps the greatest of all writers in the German language:<br />
<br />
Times of religious change are like times when the mountains open up; for then not only do all the marvelous creatures of the human spirit come forth the great golden dragons, magic beings and crystal spirits, but there also come to light all the hateful vermin of humanity, the host of rats and mice and pestiferous creation, and so it was at the time of the Reformation in the northeast part of Switzerland.12<br />
<br />
Before defining the Anabaptist vision, it is essential to state clearly who is meant by the term "Anabaptist", since the name has come to be used in modern historiography to cover a wide variety of Reformation groups, sometimes thought of as the whole "left wing of the Reformation" (Roland Bainton). "the Bolsheviks of the Reformation" (Preserved Smith). Although the definitive history of Anabaptism has not yet been written, we know enough today to draw a clear line of demarcation between original evangelical and constructive Anabaptism on the one hand, which was born in the bosom of Zwinglianism in Zurich, Switzerland, in 1525, and established in the Low Countries in 1533, and the various mystical, spiritualistic, revolutionary, or even antinomian related and unrelated groups on the other hand, which came and went like the flowers of the field in those days of the great renovation. The former, Anabaptism proper, maintained an unbroken course in Switzerland, South Germany, Austria, and Holland throughout the sixteenth century, and has continued until the present day in the Mennonite movement, now almost 500,000 baptized members strong in Europe and America.13 There is no longer any excuse for permitting our understanding of the distinct character of this genuine Anabaptism to be obscured by Thomas Müntzer and the Peasants War, the Munsterites, or any other aberration of Protestantism in the sixteenth century.<br />
<br />
There may be some excuse, however, for a failure on the part of the uninformed student to see clearly what the Anabaptist vision was, because of the varying interpretations placed upon the movement even by those who mean to appreciate and approve it. There are, for instance, the socialist writers, led by Kautsky, who would make Anabaptism either "the forerunner of the modern socialism" or the "culminating effort of medieval communism," and who in reality see it only as the external religious shell of a class movement.14 There are the sociologists with their partial socioeconomic determinism as reflected in Richard Niebuhr's approach to the social origin of religious denominations. There is Albert Ritschl, who sees in Anabaptism an ascetic semimonastic continuation of the medieval Franciscan tertiaries, and locates the seventeenth-century Pietists in the same line;15 and Ludwig Keller, who finds Anabaptists throughout the pre-Reformation period in the guise of Waldenses and other similar groups whom he chooses to call "the old-evangelical brotherhood,"16 and for whom he posits a continuity from earliest times Related to Keller are the earlier Baptist historians (and certain Mennonites) who rejoice to find in the Anabaptists the missing link which keeps them in the apostolic succession of the true church back through the Waldenses, Bogomils, Cathari, Paulicians, and Donatists, to Pentecost. More recently there is Rufus M. Jones who is inclined to class the Anabaptists with the mystics, and Walter Koehler who finds an Erasmian humanist origin for them.<br />
<br />
However, there is another line of interpretation, now almost 100 years old, which is being increasingly accepted and which is probably destined to dominate the field. It is the one which holds that Anabaptism is the culmination of the Reformation, the fulfillment of the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, and thus makes it a consistent evangelical Protestantism seeking to recreate without compromise the original New Testament church, the vision of Christ and the apostles. This line of interpretation begins in 1848 with Max Göbel's great Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Kirche, continues with the epoch-making work of C. A. Cornelius, particularly in his Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (1855-1860), follows in the work of men like Johann Loserth, Karl Rembert, and John Horsch, and is represented by such contemporaries as Ernst Correll of Washington and Fritz Blanke of Zurich. A quotation from Göbel may serve to illustrate this interpretation:<br />
<br />
The essential and distinguishing characteristic of this church is its great emphasis upon the actual personal conversion and regeneration of every Christian through the Holy Spirit.... They aimed with special emphasis at carrying out and realizing the Christian doctrine and faith in the heart and life of every Christian in the whole Christian church. Their aim was the bringing together of all the true believers out of the great degenerated national churches into a true Christian church. That which the Reformation was originally intended to accomplish they aimed to bring into full immediate realization.17<br />
<br />
And Johann Loserth says:<br />
<br />
More radically than any other party for church reformation the Anabaptists strove to follow the footsteps of the church of the first century and to renew unadulterated original Christianity.18<br />
<br />
The evidence in support of this interpretation is overwhelming, and can be taken from the statements of the contemporary opponents of the Anabaptists as well as from the Anabaptists themselves. Conrad Grebel, the founder of the Swiss Brethren movement, states clearly this point of view in his letter to Thomas Müntzer of 1524, in words written on behalf of the entire group which constitute in effect the original Anabaptist pronunciamento:<br />
<br />
Just as our forebears [the Roman Catholic Papal Church] fell away from the true God and the knowledge of Jesus Christ and of the right faith in him, and from the one true, common divine word, from the divine institutions, from Christian love and life, and lived without God's law and gospel in human, useless, un-Christian customs and ceremonies, and expected to attain salvation therein, yet fell far short of it, as the evangelical preachers [Luther, Zwingli, etc.] have declared, and to some extent are still declaring; so today, too, every man wants to be saved by superficial faith, without fruits of faith, without the baptism of test and probation without love and hope, without right Christian practices, and wants to persist in all the old fashion of personal vices, and in the common ritualistic and anti-Christian customs of baptism and of the Lord' s Supper, in disrespect for the divine word and in respect for the word of the pope and of the antipapal preachers, which yet is not equal to the divine word nor in harmony with it. In respecting persons and in manifold seduction there is grosser and more pernicious error now than ever has been since the beginning of the world. In the same error we, too, lingered as long as we heard and read only the evangelical preachers who are to blame for all this, in punishment for our sins. But after we took the Scriptures in hand, too, and consulted it on many points we have been instructed somewhat and have discovered the great and hurtful error of the shepherds, of ours too, namely that we do not daily beseech God earnestly with constant groanings to be brought out of this destruction of all godly life and out of human abominations, and to attain to true faith and divine instruction.19<br />
<br />
A similar statement was made in 1538, after fourteen years of persecution, by an Anabaptist leader who spoke on behalf on his group in the great colloquy at Berne with the leaders of the Reformed Church:<br />
<br />
While yet in the national church, we obtained much instruction from the writings of Luther, Zwingli, and others, concerning the mass and other papal ceremonies, that they are vain. Yet we recognized a great lack as regards repentance, conversion, and the true Christian life. Upon these things my mind was bent. I waited and hoped for a year or two, since the minister had much to say of amendment of life, of giving to the poor, loving one another, and abstaining from evil. But I could not close my eyes to the fact that the doctrine which was preached and which was based on the Word of God, was not carried out. No beginning was made toward true Christian living, and there was no unison in the teaching concerning the things that were necessary. And although the mass and the images were finally abolished, true repentance and Christian love were not in evidence. Changes were made only as concerned external things. This gave me occasion to inquire further into these matters. Then God sent His messengers, Conrad Grebel and others, with whom I conferred about the fundamental teachings of the apostles and the Christian life and practice. I found them men who had surrendered themselves to the doctrine of Christ by " Bussfertigkeit" [repentance evidenced by fruits] . With their assistance we established a congregation in which repentance was in evidence by newness of life in Christ.20<br />
<br />
It is evident from these statements that the Anabaptists were concerned most of all about "a true Christian life," that is, a life patterned after the teaching and example of Christ. The reformers, they believed, whatever their profession may have been, did not secure among the people true repentance, regeneration, and Christian living as a result of their preaching. The Reformation emphasis on faith was good but inadequate, for without newness of life, they held, faith is hypocritical.<br />
<br />
This Anabaptist critique of the Reformation was a sharp one, but it was not unfair. There is abundant evidence that although the original goal sought by Luther and Zwingli was "an earnest Christianity" for all, the actual outcome was far less, for the level of Christian living among the Protestant population was frequently lower than it had been before under Catholicism. Luther himself was keenly conscious of the deficiency. In April 1522 he expressed the hope that, "We who at the present are well nigh heathen under a Christian name may yet organize a Christian assembly."21 In December 1525 he had an important conversation with Caspar Schwenckfeld, concerning the establishment of the New Testament church. Schwenckfeld pointed out that the establishment of the new church had failed to result in spiritual and moral betterment of the people, a fact which Luther admitted, for Schwenckfeld states that "Luther regretted very much that no amendment of life was in evidence."22 Between 1522 and 1527 Luther repeatedly mentioned his concern to establish a true Christian church, and his desire to provide for earnest Christians ("Die mit Ernst Christen sein wollen") who would confess the gospel with their lives as well as with their tongues. He thought of entering the names of these "earnest Christians" in a special book and having them meet separately from the mass of nominal Christians, but concluding that he would not have sufficient of such people, he dropped the plan.22a Zwingli faced the same problem; he was in fact specifically challenged by the Swiss Brethren to set up such a church; but he refused and followed Luther's course.23 Both reformers decided that it was better to include the masses within the fold of the church than to form a fellowship of true Christians only. Both certainly expected the preaching of the Word and the ministration of the sacraments to bear fruit in an earnest Christian life, at least among some, but they reckoned with a permanently large and indifferent mass. In taking this course, said the Anabaptists, the reformers surrendered their original purpose, and abandoned the divine intention. Others may say that they were wise and statesmanlike leaders.24<br />
<br />
The Anabaptists, however, retained the original vision of Luther and Zwingli, enlarged it, gave it body and form, and set out to achieve it in actual experience. They proceeded to organize a church composed solely of earnest Christians, and actually found the people for it. They did not believe in any case that the size of the response should determine whether or not the truth of God should be applied, and they refused to compromise. They preferred to make a radical break with 1,500 years of history and culture if necessary rather than to break with the New Testament.<br />
<br />
May it not be said that the decision of Luther and Zwingli to surrender their original vision was the tragic turning point of the Reformation? Professor Karl Mueller, one of the keenest and fairest interpreters of the Reformation, evidently thinks so, for he says, "The aggressive, conquering power, which Lutheranism manifested in its first period was lost everywhere at the moment when the governments took matters in hand and established the Lutheran Creed,25 that is to say, when Luther's mass church concept was put into practice. Luther in his later years expressed disappointment at the final outcome of the Reformation, stating that the people had become more and more indifferent toward religion and the moral outlook was more deplorable than ever. His last years were embittered by the consciousness of partial failure, and his expressions of dejection are well known. Contrast this sense of defeat at the end of Luther's outwardly successful career with the sense of victory in the hearts of the Anabaptist martyrs who laid down their lives in what the world would call defeat, conscious of having kept faith with their vision to the end.<br />
<br />
Having defined genuine Anabaptism in its Reformation setting, we are ready to examine its central teachings. The Anabaptist vision included three major points of emphasis; first, a new conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship; second, a new conception of the church as a brotherhood; and third, a new ethic of love and nonresistance. We turn now to an exposition of these points.<br />
<br />
First and fundamental in the Anabaptist vision was the conception of the essence of Christianity as discipleship. It was a concept which meant the transformation of the entire way of life of the individual believer and of society so that it should be fashioned after the teachings and example of Christ26 The Anabaptists could not understand a Christianity which made regeneration, holiness and love primarily a matter of intellect, of doctrinal belief, or of subjective "experience," rather than one of the transformation of life. They demanded an outward expression of the inner experience. Repentance must be "evidenced" by newness of behavior. "In evidence" is the keynote which rings through the testimonies and challenges of the early Swiss Brethren when they are called to give an account of themselves. The whole life was to be brought literally under the lordship of Christ in a covenant of discipleship, a covenant which the Anabaptist writers delighted to emphasize.27 The focus of the Christian life was to be not so much the inward experience of the grace of God, as it was for Luther, but the outward application of that grace to all human conduct and the consequent Christianization of all human relationships. The true test of the Christian, they held, is discipleship. The great word of the Anabaptists was not "faith" as it was with the reformers, but "following" (nachfolge Christi). And baptism, the greatest of Christian symbols, was accordingly to be for them the "covenant of a good conscience toward God" (1 Peter 3:21),28 the pledge of a complete commitment to obey Christ, and not primarily the symbol of a past experience. The Anabaptists had faith, indeed, but they used it to produce a life. Theology was for them a means, not an end.<br />
<br />
That the Anabaptists not only proclaimed the ideal of full Christian discipleship but achieved, in the eyes of their contemporaries and even of their opponents, a measurably higher level of performance than the average, is fully witnessed by the sources. The early Swiss and South German reformers were keenly aware of this achievement and its attractive power. Zwingli knew it best of all, but Bullinger, Capito, Vadian, and many others confirm his judgment that the Anabaptist Brethren were unusually sincere, devoted, and effective Christians. However, since the Brethren refused to accept the state church system which the reformers were building, and in addition made "radical"" demands which might have changed the entire social order, the leaders of the Reformation were completely baffled in their understanding of the movement, and professed to believe that the Anabaptists were hypocrites of the darkest dye. Bullinger, for instance, calls them ' ' devilish enemies and destroyers of the Church of God."29 Nevertheless they had to admit the apparent superiority of their life. In Zwingli's last book against the Swiss Brethren (1527), for instance, the following is found:<br />
<br />
If you investigate their life and conduct, it seems at first contact irreproachable, pious, unassuming, attractive, yea, above this world. Even those who are inclined to be critical will say that their lives are excellent.30<br />
<br />
Bullinger, himself, who wrote bitter diatribes against them, was compelled to admit of the early Swiss Brethren that<br />
<br />
Those who unite with them will by their ministers be received into their church by rebaptism and repentance and newness of life. They henceforth lead their lives under a semblance of a quite spiritual conduct. They denounce covetousness, pride, profanity, the lewd conversation and immorality of the world, drinking and gluttony. In short, their hypocrisy is great and manifold.31<br />
<br />
Bullinger's lament (1531) that "the people are running after them as though they were the living saints" has been reported earlier. Vadian, the reformer of St. Gall, testified, that " none were more favorably inclined toward Anabaptism and more easily entangled with it than those who were of pious and honorable disposition."32 Capito, the reformer of Strassburg, wrote in 1527 concerning the Swiss Brethren:<br />
<br />
I frankly confess that in most [Anabaptists] there is in evidence piety and consecration and indeed a zeal which is beyond any suspicion of insincerity. For what earthly advantage could they hope to win by enduring exile, torture, and unspeakable punishment of the flesh? I testify before God that I cannot say that on account of a lack of wisdom they are somewhat indifferent toward earthly things, but rather from divine motives.33<br />
<br />
The preachers of the Canton of Bern admitted in a letter to the Council of Bern in 1532 that<br />
<br />
The Anabaptists have the semblance of outward piety to a far greater degree than we and all the churches which unitedly with us confess Christ, and they avoid offensive sins which are very common among us.34<br />
<br />
Walter Klarer, the Reformed chronicler of Appenzell, Switzerland, wrote:<br />
<br />
Most of the Anabaptists are people who at first had been the best with us in promulgating the word of God.35<br />
<br />
And the Roman Catholic theologian, Franz Agricola, in his book of 1582, Against the Terrible Errors of the Anabaptists, says:<br />
<br />
Among the existing heretical sects there is none which in appearance leads a more modest or pious life than the Anabaptist. As concerns their outward public life they are irreproachable. No lying, deception, swearing, strife, harsh language, no intemperate eating and drinking, no outward personal display, is found among them, but humility, patience, uprightness, neatness, honesty, temperance, straightforwardness in such measure that one would suppose that they had the Holy spirit of God.36<br />
<br />
A mandate against the Swiss Brethren published in 1585 by the Council of Bern states that offensive sins and vices were common among the preachers and the membership of the Reformed Church, adding, "And this is the greatest reason that many pious, God-fearing people who seek Christ from their heart are offended and forsake our church [to unite with the Brethren]".37<br />
<br />
One of the finest contemporary characterizations of the Anabaptists is that given in 1531 by Sebastian Franck, an objective and sympathetic witness, though an opponent of the Anabaptists, who wrote as follows:<br />
<br />
The Anabaptists... soon gained a large following,... drawing many sincere souls who had a zeal for God, for they taught nothing but love, faith, and the cross. They showed themselves humble, patient under much suffering; they brake bread with one another as an evidence of unity and love. They helped each other faithfully, and called each other brothers... They died as martyrs, patiently and humbly enduring all persecution.38<br />
<br />
A further confirmation of the above evaluation of the achievement of the Anabaptists is found in the fact that in many places those who lived a consistent Christian life were in danger of falling under the suspicion of being guilty of Anabaptist heresy. Caspar Schwenckfeld, for instance, declared, "I am being maligned, by both preachers and others, with the charge of being Anabaptist, even as all others who lead a true, pious Christian life are now almost everywhere given this name."39 Bullinger himself complained that<br />
<br />
...there are those who in reality are not Anabaptists but have a pronounced averseness to the sensuality and frivolity of the world and therefore reprove sin and vice and are consequently called or misnamed Anabaptists by petulant persons.40<br />
<br />
The great collection of Anabaptist source materials, commonly called the Täufer-Akten, now in its third volume, contains a number of specific illustrations of this. In 1562 a certain Caspar Zacher of Wailblingen in Württemberg was accused of being an Anabaptist, but the court record reports that since he was an envious man who could not get along with others, and who often started quarrels, as well as being guilty of swearing and cursing and carrying a weapon, he was not considered to be an Anabaptist.41 On the other hand in 1570 a certain Hans Jäger of Vohringen in Württemberg was brought before the court on suspicion of being an Anabaptist primarily because he did not curse but lived an irreproachable life.42<br />
<br />
As a second major element in the Anabaptist vision, a new concept of the church was created by the central principle of newness of life and applied Christianity. Voluntary church membership based upon true conversion and involving a commitment to holy living and discipleship was the absolutely essential heart of this concept. This vision stands in sharp contrast to the church concept of the reformers who retained the medieval idea of a mass church with membership of the entire population from birth to the grave compulsory by law and force.<br />
<br />
It is from the standpoint of this new conception of the church that the Anabaptist opposition to infant baptism must be interpreted. Infant baptism was not the cause of their disavowal of the state church; it was only a symbol of the cause. How could infants give a commitment based upon a knowledge of what true Christianity means? They might conceivably passively experience the grace of God (though Anabaptists would question this), but they could not respond in pledging their lives to Christ. Such infant baptism would not only be meaningless, but would in fact become a serious obstacle to a true understanding of the nature of Christianity and membership in the church. Only adult baptism could signify an intelligent life commitment.<br />
<br />
An inevitable corollary of the concept of the church as a body of committed and practicing Christians pledged to the highest standard of New Testament living was the insistence on the separation of the church from the world, that is nonconformity of the Christian to the worldly way of life. The world would not tolerate the practice of true Christian principles in society, and the church could not tolerate the practice of worldly ways among its membership. Hence, the only way out was separation ("Absonderung"), the gathering of true Christians into their own Christian society where Christ's way could and would be practiced. On this principle of separation Menno Simons says:<br />
<br />
All the evangelical scriptures teach us that the church of Christ was and is, in doctrine, life, and worship, a people separated from the world.43<br />
<br />
In the great debate of 1532 at Zofingen, spokesmen of the Swiss Brethren said:<br />
<br />
The true church is separated from the world and is conformed to the nature of Christ. If a church is yet at one with the world we cannot recognize it is a true church.44<br />
<br />
In a sense, this principle of nonconformity to the world is merely a negative expression of the positive requirement of discipleship, but it goes further in the sense that it represents a judgment on the contemporary social order, which the Anabaptists called "the world," as non-Christian, and sets up a line of demarcation between the Christian community and worldly society.<br />
<br />
A logical outcome of the concept of nonconformity to the world was the concept of the suffering church. Conflict with the world was inevitable for those who endeavored to live an earnest Christian life. The Anabaptists expected opposition; they took literally the words of Jesus when He said, " In the world ye shall have tribulation," but they also took literally His words of encouragement, "But be of good cheer; I have overcome the world." Conrad Grebel said in 1524:<br />
<br />
True Christian believers are sheep among wolves, sheep for the slaughter; they must be baptized in anguish and affliction, tribulation, persecution, suffering, and death; they must be tried with fire and must reach the fatherland of eternal rest not by killing them bodily, but by mortifying their spiritual, enemies.45<br />
<br />
Professor Ernest Staehelin of Basel, Switzerland, says:<br />
<br />
Anabaptism by its earnest determination to follow in life and practice the primitive Christian Church has kept alive the conviction that he who is in Christ is a new creature and that those who are identified with his cause will necessarily encounter the opposition of the world.46<br />
<br />
Perhaps it was persecution that made the Anabaptists so acutely aware of the conflict between the church and the world, but this persecution was due to the fact that they refused to accept what they considered the sub Christian way of life practiced in European Christendom. They could have avoided the persecution had they but conformed, or they could have suspended the practice of their faith to a more convenient time and sailed under false colors as did David Joris, but they chose with dauntless courage and simple honesty to live their faith, to defy the existing world order, and to suffer the consequences.<br />
<br />
Basic to the Anabaptist vision of the church was the insistence on the practice of true brotherhood and love among the members of the church.47 This principle was understood to mean not merely the expression of pious sentiments, but the actual practice of sharing possessions to meet the needs of others in the spirit of true mutual aid. Hans Leopold, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1528, said of the Brethren:<br />
<br />
If they know of any one who is in need, whether or not he is a member of their church, they believe it their duty, out of love to God, to render help and aid.48<br />
<br />
Heinrich Seiler, a Swiss Brethren martyr of 1535 said:<br />
<br />
I do not believe it wrong that a Christian has property of his own, but yet he is nothing more than a steward.49<br />
<br />
An early Hutterian book states that one of the questions addressed by the Swiss Brethren to applicants for baptism was: "Whether they would consecrate themselves with all their temporal possessions to the service of God and His people."50 A Protestant of Strassburg, visitor at a Swiss Brethren baptismal service in that city in 1557, reports that a question addressed to all applicants for baptism was: "Whether they, if necessity require it, would devote all their possessions to the service of the brotherhood, and would not fail any member that is in need, if they were able to render aid."51 Heinrich Bullinger, the bitter enemy of the Brethren, states:<br />
<br />
They teach that every Christian is under duty before God from motives of love, to use, if need be, all his possessions to supply the necessities of life to any of the brethren who are in need.52<br />
<br />
This principle of full brotherhood and stewardship was actually practiced, and not merely speculatively considered. In its absolute form of Christian communism, with the complete repudiation of private property, it became the way of life of the Hutterian Brotherhood in 1528 and has remained so to this day, for the Hutterites held that private property is the greatest enemy of Christian love. One of the inspiring stories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is the successful practice of the full communal way of life by this group.53<br />
<br />
The third great element in the Anabaptist vision was the ethic of love and nonresistance as applied to all human relationships. The Brethren understood this to mean complete abandonment of all warfare, strife, and violence, and of the taking of human life.54 Conrad Grebel, the Swiss. said in 1524:<br />
<br />
True Christians use neither worldly sword nor engage in war, since among them taking human life has ceased entirely, for we are no longer under the Old Covenant.... The Gospel and those who accept it are not to be protected with the sword, neither should they thus protect themselves.55<br />
<br />
Pilgram Marpeck, the South German leader, in 1544, speaking of Matthew 5, said:<br />
<br />
All bodily, worldly, carnal, earthly fightings, conflicts, and wars are annulled and abolished among them through such law... which law of love Christ... Himself observed and thereby gave His followers a pattern to follow after.56<br />
<br />
Peter Riedemann, the Hutterian leader, wrote in 1545:<br />
<br />
Christ, the Prince of Peace, has established His Kingdom, that is, His Church, and has purchased it by His blood. In this kingdom all worldly warfare has ended. Therefore a Christian has no part in war nor does he wield the sword to execute vengeance. 57<br />
<br />
Menno Simons, of Holland, wrote in 1550:<br />
<br />
[The regenerated do not go to war, nor engage in strife.]... They are the children of peace who have beaten their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks, and know of no war.... Spears and swords of iron we leave to those who, alas, consider human blood and swine's blood of well-nigh equal value.58<br />
<br />
In this principle of nonresistance, or biblical pacifism, which was thoroughly believed and resolutely practiced by all the original Anabaptist Brethren and their descendants throughout Europe from the beginning until the last century,59 the Anabaptists were again creative leaders, far ahead of their times, in this antedating the Quakers by over a century and a quarter. It should also be remembered that they held this principle in a day when both Catholic and Protestant churches not only endorsed war as an instrument of state policy, but employed it in religious conflicts. It is true, of course, that occasional earlier prophets, like Peter Chelcicky, had advocated similar views, but they left no continuing practice of the principle behind them.<br />
<br />
As we review the vision of the Anabaptists, it becomes clear that there are two foci in this vision. The first focus relates to the essential nature of Christianity. Is Christianity primarily a matter of the reception of divine grace through a sacramental-sacerdotal institution (Roman Catholicism), is it chiefly enjoyment of the inner experience of the grace of God through faith in Christ (Lutheranism), or is it most of all the transformation of life through discipleship (Anabaptism )? The Anabaptists were neither institutionalists, mystics, nor pietists, for they laid the weight of their emphasis upon following Christ in life. To them it was unthinkable for one truly to be a Christian without creating a new life on divine principles both for himself and for all men who commit themselves to the Christian way.<br />
<br />
The second focus relates to the church. For the Anabaptist, the church was neither an institution (Catholicism), nor the instrument of God for the proclamation of the divine Word (Lutheranism), nor a resource group for individual piety (Pietism). It was a brotherhood of love in which the fullness of the Christian life ideal is to be expressed.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision may be further clarified by comparison of the social ethics of the four main Christian groups of the Reformation period, Catholic, Calvinist, Lutheran, and Anabaptist. Catholic and Calvinist alike were optimistic about the world, agreeing that the world can be redeemed; they held that the entire social order can be brought under the sovereignty of God and Christianized, although they used different means to attain this goal. Lutheran and Anabaptist were pessimistic about the world, denying the possibility of Christianizing the entire social order; but the consequent attitudes of these two groups toward the social order were diametrically opposed. Lutheranism said that since the Christian must live in a world order that remains sinful, he must make a compromise with it. As a citizen he cannot avoid participation in the evil of the world, for instance in making war, and for this his only recourse is to seek forgiveness by the grace of God; only within his personal private experience can the Christian truly Christianize his life. The Anabaptist rejected this view completely. Since for him no compromise dare be made with evil, the Christian may in no circumstance participate in any conduct in the existing social order which is contrary to the spirit and teaching of Christ and the apostolic practice. He must consequently withdraw from the worldly system and create a Christian social order within the fellowship of the church brotherhood. Extension of this Christian order by the conversion of individuals and their transfer out of the world into the church is the only way by which progress can be made in Christianizing the social order.<br />
<br />
However, the Anabaptist was realistic. Down the long perspective of the future he saw little chance that the mass of humankind would enter such a brotherhood with its high ideals. Hence he anticipated a long and grievous conflict between the church and the world. Neither did he anticipate the time when the church would rule the world; the church would always be a suffering church. He agreed with the words of Jesus when He said that those who would be His disciples must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow Him, and that there would be few who would enter the strait gate and travel the narrow way of life. If this prospect should seem too discouraging, the Anabaptist would reply that the life within the Christian brotherhood is satisfyingly full of love and joy.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist vision was not a detailed blueprint for the reconstruction of human society, but the Brethren did believe that Jesus intended that the kingdom of God should be set up in the midst of earth, here and now, and this they proposed to do forthwith. We shall not believe, they said, that the Sermon on the Mount or any other vision that He had is only a heavenly vision meant but to keep His followers in tension until the last great day, but we shall practice what He taught, believing that where He walked we can by His grace follow in His steps.<br />
<br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, The Mennonite Quarterly Review, and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of The Mennonite Encyclopedia, a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe; and Biblical Revelation and Inspiration.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
'''The Anabaptist Vision--Footnotes.'''<br />
<ol><br />
1. Reprinted from Church History (March 1944) Xlll, 3-24, with slight revisions.<br />
2. Rufus M. Jones, Studies in Mystical Religion (London, 1909), 369.<br />
Professor Walter Köhler of Heidelberg has recently expressed a similar evaluation, asserting that the historical significance of the Anabaptists "erschöpft sich nicht in dem Duldermut, der Arbeitstreue, dem kulturellen Fleiss.... Nein, die Mennoniten dürfen ohne Uberhebung einen Platz in der Weltgeschichte beanspruchen als Bahnbrecher der modernen Weltanschauung mit ihrer Glaubens--und Gewissensfreiheit."<br />
<br />
3. The results of this research are best found in: Mennonitisches Lexikon, edited by Christian Hege and Christian Neff (Frankfurt a. M. and Weierhof [Pfalz], Germany, 1913 ff.), now at the letter "N"; Ernst Correll, Das Schweizerishe Täufermennonitentum: Ein Soziologischer Bericht (Tübingen, 1925); Mennonite quarterly review (published at Goshen, Indiana, since 1927); Mennonitische Geschichtsblätter (published at Weierhof [Palatinate] since 1936); R. J. Smithson, The Anabaptists, their contribution to our Protestant heritage (London, 1935); John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, Pa., 1942); C. Henry Smith, The story of the Mennonites (Berne, Indiana, 1941); L. von Muralt, Glaube und Lehre der Schweizerschen Wiedertäufer in der Reformationszeit (Zurich, 1938). Cf. also: Wilhelm Pauck "The historiography of the German Reformation during the past twenty years; IV. Research in the history of the Anabaptists," Church history (December 1940) IX, 335-364; Harold S. Bender, "Recent progress in research in Anabaptist history," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1934) VIII, 3-17. Only three volumes of the great source publication, Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer (Leipzig, 1930 ff. ), published by the Verein für Reformationsgeschichte, have yet appeared.<br />
4. Quoted in translation by John Horsch, Mennonites in Europe, 325, from Bullinger's Der Wiedertäufferen Ursprung, etc., Zurich, 1560.<br />
5. Horsch, 293, from Sebastian Frank's Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531).<br />
6. Heinrich Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel . . . der selvsgesandten Widertouffern (Zurich, 1531), folio 2v.<br />
7. F. Roth, Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte (Munich, 1901), I, 230.<br />
8. Letter of Zwingli to Vadian, May 28, 1525, Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke, ed. Egli, Finsler, Köhler, et al. (Leipzig, 1914) VII, 332.<br />
9. The full official text of the decree may be found in Aller des Heiligen Roemischen Reichs gehaltene Reichstage, Abschiede und Satzungen (Mainz, 1666), 210, 211. It is also edited by Ludwig Keller in Monatshefte der Comenius Gesellschaft (Berlin, 1900), IX, 55-57, and by Bossert in "Die Reichsgesetze über die Wiedertäufer" in Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg (Leipzig, 1930), 1°-10°. See the excellent discussion of Anabaptist persecution by John Horsch in "The persecution of the evangelical Anabaptists," Mennonite quarterly review (January 1938), XII, 3-26.<br />
10. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Brüder, edited by Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod [Alberta] and Vienna, 1923), 142,181.<br />
11. Ibid., 182-187. The following quotation is composed of extracts selected from this account without regard to the original order, chiefly from 186, 187.<br />
12. Gottfried Keller's Werke, ed. by Max Nussberger (Leipzig, n. d.) VI, 309. See Elizabeth Horsch Bender, "The portrayal of the Swiss Anabaptists in Gottfried Keller's Ursula," Mennonite quarterly review [July, 1943] XVII, 136-150.<br />
13. In Switzerland, this group was called "Swiss Brethren," in Austria "Hutterites," in Holland and North Germany, "Menists." All these groups seriously objected to the name " Anabaptists" which was a term used to designate a punishable heresy and which after the tragic Münster episode (1534-35) was a name of odious opprobrium. I use the term here only for custom's sake. The term "Mennonite" came into wider use in the seventeenth century and was ultimately applied to all the groups except the Hutterites.<br />
14. Ernst H. Correll, Das Schweizerische Täufermennonitentum (Tübingen, 1925), "Allgemeine historisch-soziologische Kennzeichnung," 3-10, gives an excellent concise survey. See particularly 6, footnote 1. See also Karl Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the time of the Reformation (1897). Troeltsch rejected the theory of the socioeconomic origin of the Anabaptists.<br />
15. Albrecht Ritschl, Geshichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880). Cf. R. Friedmann, "Conception of the Anabaptist," Church history (December 1940) IX, 351.<br />
16. Ludwig Keller, Die Reformation und die älteren Reformparteien (Leipzig, 1885). Cf. also Friedmann, op. cit., 352.<br />
17. Max Göbel, Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens, etc. (Coblentz, 1848), 1, 134. Ritschl, op. cit., 22, characterizes Göbel's views as follows "Die Wiedertäuferei also soll nach Göbel die gründlichere, entschiedenere, vollständigere Reformation sein, welche als 'Kind der Reformation' Luthers und Zwinglis zu erkennen aber von Luther seit 1522, von Zwingli seit 1524 aufgegeben worden wäre." Ritschl (op. cit., 7) himself states the Anabaptist position as follows: "Nicht minder haben die Wiedertäufer sich dafur angesehen, dass sie das von Luther und Zwingli begonnene Werk der Wiederherstellung der Kirche zu seinem rechten Ziel führten."<br />
18. Horsch, op. cit., 289.<br />
19. Letter of Conrad Grebel to Thomas Müntzer, Sept. 5, 1524, Thomas Müntzers Briefwechsel, ed. H. Böhmer, and P. Kirn (Leipzig, 1931), 92; English translation, Walter Rauschenbusch, "The Zurich Anabaptists and Thomas Münzer." American journal of theology (January 1905) IX, 92.<br />
20. Taken from an unpublished manuscript in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern, (Unnütze Papiere, Bd. 80), entitled Acta des Gesprächs zwüschenn predicannten und Touffbrüderenn (1538), Copy in the Mennonite Historical Library at Goshen College.<br />
21. Karl Holl, Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte (2nd and 3rd ed. ) (Tübingen, 1923), 359.<br />
22. Corpus Schwenckfeldianorum (Leipzig, 1911), II, 280 f. See also K. Ecke, Schwenckfeld, Luther und der Gedanke einer apostolischen Reformation (Berlin, 1911), 101 f. See also the discussion on this topic in J. Horsch, "The rise of state church Protestantism," Mennonite quarterly review (July 1932), VI, 189-191.<br />
22a. See Luther's Deutsche Messe, translated in Works of Martin Luther (ed. C. M. Jacobs et al.) VoI VI (Philadelphia, 1932), 172, 173.<br />
23. " Drei Zeugenaussagen Zwinglis im Täuferprozess" in Huldreich Zwinglis Sämtliche Werke (Leipzig, 1927), IV, 169.<br />
24. Against this interpretation of Luther (and Zwingli) it may be argued that Luther never completely and consistently adopted the concept of a church of "earnest Christians only" which is here attributed to him, but that along with it he also retained the contradictory concept of the church functioning as a " corpus regens," that is, as an institution of social control. It may be agreed that Luther held the two concepts for a time and that he finally abandoned the former in favor of the latter, but the fact nevertheless remains that the former was for a time dominant, and that it is the implicit meaning of his whole basic theological position. The retention and eventual dominance of the second concept is an evidence of the carry-over of medievalism in Luther's thought. In regard to Zwingli, Wilhelm Hadorn says: "It must be admitted that not only Zwingli but also other Swiss and South German Reformers, e.g., Oecolampad and Capito, originally held views similar to the Anabaptists" (Die Reformation in der Deutschen Schweiz. [Leipzig, 1928]. 104). Walter Köhler, the best living authority on Zwingli, says; "Es ist, wie bei Luther auch, die Kapitulation der autonomen kirchgemeinschaft vor der Obrigkeit eingetreten." (Zwinglis Werke [Leipzig, 1927], IV, 29).<br />
25. Karl Müller, Kirchengeschichte, II, 1, 476, Müller describes the essential goal of the Anabaptists as follows: "Es bedeutete inmitten der Auflösung aller Verhältnisse genug, dass hier eine Gemeinschaft stand, die die Heiligung des Lehens allem anderen voranstellte und zugleich in dem unteren Volksschichten wirklich Fuss gefasst, sie mit selbstandiger Religiöstät gefüllt hat." (Kirchengeschichte. II, 1, 330. )<br />
26. Johannes Kühn, Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig. 1923), 224 says: "With the Anabaptists everything was based on a central idea. This central idea was concretely religious. It was Jesus' command to follow Him in a holy life of fellowship." Professor Alfred Hegler of Tübingen describes the Anabaptist ideal as "liberty of conscience, rejection of all state-made Christianity, the demand for personal holiness, and a vital personal acceptance of Christian truth." Professor Paul Wernle says, "Their vital characteristic was the earnestness with which they undertook the practical fulfillment of New Testament requirements both for the individual and for the church." These and other similar quotations are to be found in Horsch. "The character of the evangelical Anabaptists as reported by contemporary Reformation writers." Mennonite quarterly review (July 1934). VIII, 135.<br />
27. Pilgram Marpeck, the outstanding writer of the Swiss and South German Brethren, is an example. See J. C. Wenger, "The theology of Pilgram Marpeck." Mennonite quarterly review (October 1938), XII, 247.<br />
28. The German (Luther) translation of 1 Peter 3:21 calls baptism " Der Bund eines guten Gewissens mit Gott."<br />
29. Bullinger, Von dem unverschampten fräfel (1531), fol. 75 r.<br />
30. S. M. Jackson, Selected Works of Huldreich Zwingli (Philadelphia, 1901), 127.<br />
31. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 15 v.<br />
32. Joachim von Watt, Deutsche Historische Schriften, ed. Ernst Götzinger (St. Gall, 1879), II, 408.<br />
33. C. A. Cornelius, Geschichte des Münsterschen Aufruhrs (Leipzig, 1860), II, 52.<br />
34. W. J. McGlothlin, Die Berner Täufer bis 1532 (Berlin, 1902), 36.<br />
35. J. J. Simler, Sammlung alter und neuer Urkunden (Zurich, 1757), I, 824.<br />
36. Karl Rembert, Die Wiedertäufer im Herzogtum Jülich (Berlin, 1899), 564.<br />
37. Ernst Müller, Geschichte der Bernischen Taüfer (Frauenfeld, 1895), 88. Müller speaks (p. 89) of the mandate of 1585 as conceiving of "das Täuferwesen" as a just judgment of God on the church and the people of Berne.<br />
38. Sebastian Franck, Chronica, Zeitbuch und Geschichtbibel (Strassburg, 1531), folio 444v.<br />
39. Schwenckfeld's Epistolar (1564), 1, 203.<br />
40. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung (1561), fol. 170r.<br />
41. Quellen zur Geschichte der Wiedertäufer, 1. Band Herzogtum Württemberg, ed. Gustav Bossert (Leipzig, 1930), 216 f.<br />
42. Ibid., 259 ff.<br />
43. Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), II, 37b.<br />
44. Handlung oder Acta der Disputation gehalten zu Zofingen (Zurich, 1532).<br />
45. Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
46. Horsch, op cit., 386.<br />
47. P. Tschackert, Die Entstehung der Lutherischen und reformierten Kirchenlehre (Göttingen, 1910), 133, says of the Anabaptists that they were "a voluntary Christian fellowship, striving to conform to the Christian spirit for the practice of brotherly love."<br />
48. Johannes Kühn, op. cit., 231. fol. 22v.<br />
49. Ernst Müller, op. cit., 44. See Ernst Correll, op. cit., 15 f. on the attitude of the various Anabaptist groups on community of goods.<br />
50. Horsch, op. cit., 317.<br />
51. A. Hulshof, Geschiedenis van de Doopsgezinden te Straatsburg van 1525 tot 1557 (Amsterdam, 1905), 216.<br />
52. Bullinger, Der Widertäufferen Ursprung, fol. 129v.<br />
53. John Horsch, The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931 (Goshen, Indiana, 1931), gives the only adequate account in English of the Hutterian Brethren. It is of interest to note that Erasmus, Melanchthon, and Zwingli condemned private ownership of property as a sin. See Paul Wernle, Renaissance und Reformation (Tübingen, 1912), 54, 55, for the citations of Erasmus and Melanchthon, and Horsch, Hutterian Brethren, 132, footnote 126, for the citation of Zwingli. Wilhelm Pauck says that Bucer's ideal state was that of Christian communism, "Martin Bucer's conception of a Christian state," in Princeton theological review (January 1928), XXVI, 88.<br />
54. Not all the Anabaptists were completely nonresistant: Balthasar Hubmaier for instance for a brief period (1526-28) led a group of Anabaptists at Nikolsburg in Moravia who agreed to carry the sword against the Turk and pay special war taxes for this purpose. This group, which became extinct in a short time, was known as the "Schwertler" in distinction from other Moravian Anabaptists called the "Stäbler," who later became the Hutterites and have continued to the present. It is obvious that Hubmaier and the "Schwertler" represent a transient aberration from original and authentic Anabaptism. Bullinger (Von dem unverschampten fräfel [1531] fol. 139v. ) testifies that the Swiss Brethren considered war to be "das ergist uebel das man erdencken mag," and (Der Widertäufferen Ursprung [1561] fol. 16 r.) says "they do not defend themselves, therefore they do not go to war and are not obedient to the government on this point." See also, extensive compilation of evidence by John Horsch in his booklet, The principle of nonresistance as held by the Mennonite Church, a historical survey (Scottdale, Pa., 1927), 60 pages.<br />
55. Letter of Grebel to Müntzer, Böhmer-Kirn, op. cit., 97.<br />
56. (Pilgrim Marpeck), Testamenterleütterung (n.d., n.p., ca. 1544), fol. 313r.<br />
57. (Peter Riedemann), Rechenschaft unserer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens, von den Bruedern die Man die Hutterischen nennt (Berne, Indiana, 1902), 105.<br />
58. The Complete Works of Menno Simons (Elkhart, Indiana, 1871), 1, 170b and 81b. The quotations were revised by comparison with the Dutch editions of 1646 and 1681.<br />
59. Mennonites of Holland, Germany, France, and Switzerland gradually abandoned nonresistance in the course of the nineteenth century. The emigrant Mennonites in Russia and North America have maintained it. The Mennonites of the United States furnish 40 percent of all conscientious objectors in Civilian Public Service in the present war, and the Mennonites of Canada a still higher percent of the conscientious objectors in that country.<br />
</ol><br />
==About the Author==<br />
Harold S. Bender was born July 19, 1897, at Elkhart, Indiana. He held degrees from the following institutions BS, Goshen College, Goshen, Indiana; BD, Garrett Biblical Institute; ThM, Princeton Theological Seminary; MA, Princeton University; and ThD, Heidelberg University.<br />
<br />
He became dean of Goshen College in 1933 and from 1944 he served as dean of Goshen College Biblical Seminary until his death, September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In the Mennonite Church he was active in many organizations and committees most notable as chairman of the Historical and Research Committee and the Peace Problems Committee. He was ordained to the ministry June 18, 1944. He became president of the Mennonite World Conference in 1952 and served until his death on September 21, 1962.<br />
<br />
In 1927 he founded the scholarly quarterly, The Mennonite Quarterly Review, and served as its editor until his death. He served as editor of The Mennonite Encyclopedia, a four-volume monumental contribution to Christendom. In addition to numerous articles in various scholarly magazines he was also author of Two Centuries of American Mennonite Literature: Conrad Grebel, First Leader of the Swiss Brethren; These Are My People; Mennonite Origins in Europe; and Biblical Revelation and Inspiration.<br />
<br />
The Anabaptist Vision, given as a presidential address before the American Society of Church History in 1943, has become a classic essay. Since its delivery it has appeared in scholarly journals and been translated into several languages.<br />
<br />
Digitization by Wayne Chesley.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Online_Anabaptist-Mennonite_Library&diff=10914
Online Anabaptist-Mennonite Library
2012-07-09T15:14:20Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Position Statements */</p>
<hr />
<div>In 2012, [http://www.gameo.org/ GAMEO] transferred its online library (then called the Anabaptist Mennonite Ethereal Library) containing the '''full texts''' of significant Mennonite confessions of faith and position statements on a variety of issues. These valuable sources can now be found here. A few early confessions of other faith groups are also included. <br />
<br />
These full-text documents represent a variety of Mennonite denominations over an extended period of time. Thus you will find statements that may not agree with one another because they come from Mennonite groups with differing emphases, or because these emphases have changed over time.<br />
<br />
The documents are arranged in '''chronological order''' within their categories.<br />
==Confessions of Faith==<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Confessions of Faith </div><br />
* [[Schleitheim Confession (source)|Schleitheim Confession]] (Anabaptist, 1527)<br />
* [[Wismar Articles (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)|Wismar Articles]] (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)<br />
* [[Strasbourg Discipline (South German Anabaptist, 1568)|Strasbourg Discipline]] (South German Anabaptist, 1568)<br />
* [[Waterlander Confession of Faith (1577)|Confession of Faith]] (Waterlander, 1577)<br />
* [[The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries (1578)|The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries]] (1578)<br />
* [[Concept of Cologne (Anabaptists, 1591)|Concept of Cologne]] (Anabaptists, 1591)<br />
* [[The Confession of Faith (P.J. Twisck, 1617)|The Confession of Faith]] (P.J. Twisck, 1617)<br />
* [[A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries (1618)|A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries]] (1618)<br />
* [[Olive Branch Confession (1627)|Olive Branch Confession]] (Dutch Mennonite, 1627)<br />
* [[Dordrecht Confession of Faith (Mennonite, 1632)|Dordrecht Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite, 1632)<br />
* [[Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris (1766)|Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris]] (1766)<br />
* [[Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)|Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith]] (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)<br />
* [[Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, Articles of Confession (1896)|Articles of Confession]] (Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Our Common Confession (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)|Our Common Confession]] (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1902)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1902)<br />
* [[Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches Articles of Faith (1950)|Articles of Faith]] (Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches, 1950)<br />
* [[Mennonite Confession of Faith (Mennonite Church, 1963)|Mennonite Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Church, 1963)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1975)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)|Confession of Faith]] (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Conference Confession of Faith (1994)|Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Conference, 1994)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)|Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective]] (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference Confession of Faith (2001) | Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference, 2001)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Catechisms==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[Elbing Catechism (Mennonite, 1778)|Elbing Catechism]] (Mennonite, 1778)<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Position Statements==<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Position Statements</div><br />
Here you will find a variety of full-text documents, arranged in chronological order, that contain Anabaptist/Mennonite declarations of positions on various matters. <br />
|}<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">1981 to 2010</div><br />
====2000 to 2010====<br />
* [[The Call from Colombia to MC Canada (2000)|The Call from Colombia to MC Canada]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc. (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)|Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc.]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Colombia Resolution (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)|Colombia Resolution]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)<br />
* [[Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Resolution on Plan Colombia (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Resolution on Plan Colombia]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[A Resolution: The Death Penalty (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)| A Resolution: The Death Penalty]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Vieques Resolution]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Abortion]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Immigration]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on the War in Iraq (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)|Statement on the War in Iraq]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)<br />
* [[MWC Shared Convictions (2006)|Shared Convictions]] (Mennonite World Conference, 2006)<br />
* [[A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
====1991 to 1999====<br />
* On Observing 1992 (Mennonite Church, 1991)<br />
* Statement of Doctrine (Conservative Mennonite Conference, 1991)<br />
* A Resolution against Interpersonal Abuse (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution on Health Care (General Conference Mennonite Church U.S. Assembly, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution to Laugh with Abraham and Sarah (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Call for a Peacemaking Task Force (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace (Mennonite Central Committee, 1993)<br />
* Peace in Our Time (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Resolution on Health Care in the United States (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Resolution on Male Violence Against Women (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Affirming Peacemaking as it Relates to the Peace Tax (U.S.)/Peace Trust (Canada) (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Agreeing and Disagreeing in Love -- Commitments for Mennonites in Times of Disagreement (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Resolution on a Jubilee Year of Repentance and Action Regarding Nuclear Weapons (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Vision: Healing and Hope (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church , 1995)<br />
* "And No One Shall Make Them Afraid" (Zephaniah 3:12-13): a Mennonite Statement on Violence (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Is Jesus the Only Way? (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Mission Statement for Congregational Youth Ministry (Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Ordination (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Guidelines for building faithful relationships in the church (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Resolution on the Issue of Homosexuality (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Guidelines for Membership in the New Mennonite Church (Mennonite Church Canada, 1999)<br />
* Women in Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1999)<br />
====1981 to 1990====<br />
* Leadership and Authority in the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Homosexuality (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Divorced and Remarried (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Women in the Church (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Question of Love and Non-Resistance (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* The Use of the Law (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Justice and the Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Mennonite Tricentennial Resolution (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Central America (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Conscientious Objection to Military Taxes (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* A Resolution on Faithful Action Toward Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution Regarding Caring Community (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Statement on Inter-Mennonite Cooperation in North America (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Vision for Witness (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* "God's People Reconciling [35 minute Audio file]" (Mennonite World Conference presentation by Ron Sider, 28 July 1984 in Strasbourg, France) Windows Media File (5 MB); MP3 File (15 MB)<br />
* Ten-Year Goals (Vision '95)(Mennonite Church, 1985)<br />
* A Call to Kingdom Commitments (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Many Peoples Becoming God's People (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Apartheid (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Human Sexuality (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Baptism by Immersion as a Requirement for Ordination to Pastoral Leadership (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1987)<br />
* A Call to Affirmation, Confession, and Covenant Regarding Human Sexuality (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Growing in Stewardship and Witness in a Militaristic World (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Resolution on South Africa (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* A Church of Many Peoples Confronts Racism (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Recommendation on Exploring MC/GC Integration (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on Military Tax Withholding (Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on the 500th Anniversary of Columbus (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Stewardship of the Earth: Resolution on Environment and Faith Issues (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Vision Statement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1990)<br />
<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">16th Century to 1980</div><br />
====1971 to 1980====<br />
* The Way of Peace (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1971)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Amnesty (Mennonite Central Committee, 1973)<br />
* A Statement of Direction to Guide Congregations and Regional Conferences in Understanding Ordination (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1974)<br />
* Resolution on World Food Crisis (Mennonite Central Committee, 1974)<br />
* Abortion (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Amnesty (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Understandings Concerning Women and Men (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Resolution on Abortion (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Interpretation In The Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Call and Care of Pastors (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Christian Stewardship of Energy Resources (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Governmental Oppression and our Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Holy Spirit In the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Offender Ministries (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Television Violence (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Interpretation of Scriptures (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Mennonite Brethren and the Urban Challenge (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Political Involvement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Resolution on Pastoral Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Affirming Our Faith in Word and Deed (Mennonite Church, 1979)<br />
* Guidelines on Abortion (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
*Legal and Legislative Exemptions from War Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
====1961 to 1970====<br />
* Christian Parenthood (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* The Christian Witness to the State (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Communism and Anti-Communism (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Dedication for Our Times (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Love and Unity in the Church (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Recreation (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Communism and Anti-Communism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on the Authority of the Scriptures (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* The Christian Family (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1963)<br />
* Capital Punishment and the Ministry of the Church to the Offender (Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Capital Punishment (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* Resolution on Nationalism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on World Hunger (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on Divorce and Remarriage (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1969)<br />
* Response to Conscription and Militarism (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
* Urban-Racial Concerns (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
====1951 to 1960====<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment with Respect to Peace, War, and Nonresistance (Mennonite Church, 1951)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Peace, War, and Military Service (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1953)<br />
* Declaration of Commitment in Respect to Christian Separation and Nonconformity to the World (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Nurture and Evangelism of Children (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Way of Christian Love in Race Relations (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* Statement on the Believers' Church (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1956)<br />
* The Theology of Christian Experience (Mennonite Church, 1957)<br />
* The Christian and Nuclear Power (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian and Race Relations (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian View of Marriage (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* On Inspiration of the Bible (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
====1900 to 1950====<br />
* [[Report of the Dress Committee (Mennonite Church, 1913)|Report of the Dress Committee]] (Mennonite Church, 1913)<br />
* [[Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare (Mennonite Church, 1915)|Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare]] (Mennonite Church, 1915)<br />
* [[Statement of Our Position on Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1917)|Statement of Our Position on Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1917)<br />
* [[Christian Fundamentals (Mennonite Church, 1921)|Christian Fundamentals]] (Mennonite Church, 1921)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite (1925)|A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite]] (1925)<br />
* [[A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1937)|A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1937)<br />
* [[Statement of Doctrine (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|Statement of Doctrine]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* The Anabaptist Vision by Harold S. Bender (1944)<br />
* [[Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)|Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) ]](Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)<br />
====Pre-20th Century ====<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Document of Secession (1860)|Document of Secession]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1860)<br />
<br />
|}</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Online_Anabaptist-Mennonite_Library&diff=10911
Online Anabaptist-Mennonite Library
2012-07-06T21:18:33Z
<p>Hannahec: /* 1900 to 1950 */</p>
<hr />
<div>In 2012, [http://www.gameo.org/ GAMEO] transferred its online library (then called the Anabaptist Mennonite Ethereal Library) containing the '''full texts''' of significant Mennonite confessions of faith and position statements on a variety of issues. These valuable sources can now be found here. A few early confessions of other faith groups are also included. <br />
<br />
These full-text documents represent a variety of Mennonite denominations over an extended period of time. Thus you will find statements that may not agree with one another because they come from Mennonite groups with differing emphases, or because these emphases have changed over time.<br />
<br />
The documents are arranged in '''chronological order''' within their categories.<br />
==Confessions of Faith==<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Confessions of Faith </div><br />
* [[Schleitheim Confession (source)|Schleitheim Confession]] (Anabaptist, 1527)<br />
* [[Wismar Articles (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)|Wismar Articles]] (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)<br />
* [[Strasbourg Discipline (South German Anabaptist, 1568)|Strasbourg Discipline]] (South German Anabaptist, 1568)<br />
* [[Waterlander Confession of Faith (1577)|Confession of Faith]] (Waterlander, 1577)<br />
* [[The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries (1578)|The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries]] (1578)<br />
* [[Concept of Cologne (Anabaptists, 1591)|Concept of Cologne]] (Anabaptists, 1591)<br />
* [[The Confession of Faith (P.J. Twisck, 1617)|The Confession of Faith]] (P.J. Twisck, 1617)<br />
* [[A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries (1618)|A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries]] (1618)<br />
* [[Olive Branch Confession (1627)|Olive Branch Confession]] (Dutch Mennonite, 1627)<br />
* [[Dordrecht Confession of Faith (Mennonite, 1632)|Dordrecht Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite, 1632)<br />
* [[Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris (1766)|Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris]] (1766)<br />
* [[Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)|Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith]] (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)<br />
* [[Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, Articles of Confession (1896)|Articles of Confession]] (Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Our Common Confession (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)|Our Common Confession]] (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1902)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1902)<br />
* [[Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches Articles of Faith (1950)|Articles of Faith]] (Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches, 1950)<br />
* [[Mennonite Confession of Faith (Mennonite Church, 1963)|Mennonite Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Church, 1963)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1975)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)|Confession of Faith]] (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Conference Confession of Faith (1994)|Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Conference, 1994)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)|Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective]] (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference Confession of Faith (2001) | Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference, 2001)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Catechisms==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[Elbing Catechism (Mennonite, 1778)|Elbing Catechism]] (Mennonite, 1778)<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Position Statements==<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Position Statements</div><br />
Here you will find a variety of full-text documents, arranged in chronological order, that contain Anabaptist/Mennonite declarations of positions on various matters. <br />
|}<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">16th Century to 1980</div><br />
====Pre-20th Century ====<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Document of Secession (1860)|Document of Secession]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1860)<br />
<br />
====1900 to 1950====<br />
* [[Report of the Dress Committee (Mennonite Church, 1913)|Report of the Dress Committee]] (Mennonite Church, 1913)<br />
* [[Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare (Mennonite Church, 1915)|Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare]] (Mennonite Church, 1915)<br />
* [[Statement of Our Position on Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1917)|Statement of Our Position on Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1917)<br />
* [[Christian Fundamentals (Mennonite Church, 1921)|Christian Fundamentals]] (Mennonite Church, 1921)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite (1925)|A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite]] (1925)<br />
* [[A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1937)|A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1937)<br />
* [[Statement of Doctrine (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|Statement of Doctrine]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* The Anabaptist Vision by Harold S. Bender (1944)<br />
* [[Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)|Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) ]](Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)<br />
<br />
====1951 to 1960====<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment with Respect to Peace, War, and Nonresistance (Mennonite Church, 1951)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Peace, War, and Military Service (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1953)<br />
* Declaration of Commitment in Respect to Christian Separation and Nonconformity to the World (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Nurture and Evangelism of Children (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Way of Christian Love in Race Relations (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* Statement on the Believers' Church (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1956)<br />
* The Theology of Christian Experience (Mennonite Church, 1957)<br />
* The Christian and Nuclear Power (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian and Race Relations (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian View of Marriage (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* On Inspiration of the Bible (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
====1961 to 1970====<br />
* Christian Parenthood (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* The Christian Witness to the State (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Communism and Anti-Communism (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Dedication for Our Times (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Love and Unity in the Church (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Recreation (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Communism and Anti-Communism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on the Authority of the Scriptures (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* The Christian Family (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1963)<br />
* Capital Punishment and the Ministry of the Church to the Offender (Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Capital Punishment (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* Resolution on Nationalism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on World Hunger (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on Divorce and Remarriage (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1969)<br />
* Response to Conscription and Militarism (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
* Urban-Racial Concerns (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
====1971 to 1980====<br />
* The Way of Peace (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1971)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Amnesty (Mennonite Central Committee, 1973)<br />
* A Statement of Direction to Guide Congregations and Regional Conferences in Understanding Ordination (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1974)<br />
* Resolution on World Food Crisis (Mennonite Central Committee, 1974)<br />
* Abortion (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Amnesty (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Understandings Concerning Women and Men (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Resolution on Abortion (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Interpretation In The Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Call and Care of Pastors (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Christian Stewardship of Energy Resources (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Governmental Oppression and our Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Holy Spirit In the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Offender Ministries (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Television Violence (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Interpretation of Scriptures (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Mennonite Brethren and the Urban Challenge (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Political Involvement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Resolution on Pastoral Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Affirming Our Faith in Word and Deed (Mennonite Church, 1979)<br />
* Guidelines on Abortion (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
*Legal and Legislative Exemptions from War Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">1981 to 2010</div><br />
====1981 to 1990====<br />
* Leadership and Authority in the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Homosexuality (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Divorced and Remarried (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Women in the Church (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Question of Love and Non-Resistance (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* The Use of the Law (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Justice and the Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Mennonite Tricentennial Resolution (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Central America (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Conscientious Objection to Military Taxes (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* A Resolution on Faithful Action Toward Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution Regarding Caring Community (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Statement on Inter-Mennonite Cooperation in North America (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Vision for Witness (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* "God's People Reconciling [35 minute Audio file]" (Mennonite World Conference presentation by Ron Sider, 28 July 1984 in Strasbourg, France) Windows Media File (5 MB); MP3 File (15 MB)<br />
* Ten-Year Goals (Vision '95)(Mennonite Church, 1985)<br />
* A Call to Kingdom Commitments (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Many Peoples Becoming God's People (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Apartheid (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Human Sexuality (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Baptism by Immersion as a Requirement for Ordination to Pastoral Leadership (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1987)<br />
* A Call to Affirmation, Confession, and Covenant Regarding Human Sexuality (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Growing in Stewardship and Witness in a Militaristic World (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Resolution on South Africa (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* A Church of Many Peoples Confronts Racism (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Recommendation on Exploring MC/GC Integration (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on Military Tax Withholding (Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on the 500th Anniversary of Columbus (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Stewardship of the Earth: Resolution on Environment and Faith Issues (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Vision Statement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1990)<br />
====1991 to 1999====<br />
* On Observing 1992 (Mennonite Church, 1991)<br />
* Statement of Doctrine (Conservative Mennonite Conference, 1991)<br />
* A Resolution against Interpersonal Abuse (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution on Health Care (General Conference Mennonite Church U.S. Assembly, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution to Laugh with Abraham and Sarah (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Call for a Peacemaking Task Force (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace (Mennonite Central Committee, 1993)<br />
* Peace in Our Time (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Resolution on Health Care in the United States (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Resolution on Male Violence Against Women (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Affirming Peacemaking as it Relates to the Peace Tax (U.S.)/Peace Trust (Canada) (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Agreeing and Disagreeing in Love -- Commitments for Mennonites in Times of Disagreement (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Resolution on a Jubilee Year of Repentance and Action Regarding Nuclear Weapons (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Vision: Healing and Hope (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church , 1995)<br />
* "And No One Shall Make Them Afraid" (Zephaniah 3:12-13): a Mennonite Statement on Violence (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Is Jesus the Only Way? (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Mission Statement for Congregational Youth Ministry (Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Ordination (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Guidelines for building faithful relationships in the church (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Resolution on the Issue of Homosexuality (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Guidelines for Membership in the New Mennonite Church (Mennonite Church Canada, 1999)<br />
* Women in Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1999)<br />
====2000 to 2010====<br />
* [[The Call from Colombia to MC Canada (2000)|The Call from Colombia to MC Canada]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc. (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)|Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc.]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Colombia Resolution (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)|Colombia Resolution]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)<br />
* [[Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Resolution on Plan Colombia (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Resolution on Plan Colombia]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[A Resolution: The Death Penalty (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)| A Resolution: The Death Penalty]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Vieques Resolution]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Abortion]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Immigration]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on the War in Iraq (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)|Statement on the War in Iraq]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)<br />
* [[MWC Shared Convictions (2006)|Shared Convictions]] (Mennonite World Conference, 2006)<br />
* [[A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
<br />
|}</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Declaration_of_Christian_Faith_and_Commitment_(1950)_(Winona_Lake,_Indiana_Peace_statement_by_Mennonite_Central_Committee-related_conferences)&diff=10910
Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)
2012-07-06T21:17:00Z
<p>Hannahec: /* II. */</p>
<hr />
<div>Five years after World War II [[Mennonite Central Committee]] Peace Section called for a study conference on nonresistance, held at Winona Lake, Indiana , November 9-12, 1950. J. Harold Sherk, a Canadian, served as Executive Secretary of the Peace section at the time. <br />
<br />
Delegates from fourteen participating Amish and Mennonite conferences attended from both the United States and Canada. Bishop E. J. Swalm, a Brethren in Christ leader from Canada, chaired the meeting. Other Canadian leaders who participated included John G. Rempel, Jesse B. Martin, David P. Reimer, C. J. Rempel, John A. Harder and David Schulz. John G. Rempel served on the committee that developed the declaration. <br />
<br />
The declaration was remarkable for its attempt to create a unified Mennonite statement on peace when some groups were dropping the Mennonite name ([[Mennonite Brethren in Christ]]) and others had seen a significant percentage of their young men join the military during World War II. In 1970 John A. Lapp said the Winona Lake statement was "the only extensive inter-Mennonite theological document ever produced." While he said the statement was "not a notably profound document, this better than any prior ... statement shows the essential unity of Mennonite/Brethren in Christ faith and concern." The Winona Lake declaration served MCC Peace Section as an umbrella theological statement for many years. In 1993, Mennonite Central Committee approved a new peace statement, entitled "A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace."<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
==A Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment==<br />
The Message of the Mennonite Study Conference on Nonresistance (Winona Lake, Indiana, November 9-12, 1950)<br />
<br />
===I. ===<br />
<br />
At this mid-point of the 20th century, at a critical time in a generation marked by widespread and disastrous wars and shadowed by the threat of still more ruinous warfare, this conference of delegated representatives from the Mennonite and Brethren in Christ churches of the United States and Canada unites in a renewed declaration of faith in Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace, in His Gospel, and in His power to redeem and transform in life and in human society all those who receive Him as Saviour and Lord and are thus born anew by the Spirit of God. It also unites in a deeper commitment to follow Christ in full discipleship in the way of peace and love, the way of nonresistance and peacemaking. In this conference we have seen anew the high calling of the sons of God, having been confronted with the absolute claims which Christ makes upon us. We acknowledge these claims in full, and have sought to trace the meaning of His Lordship and the consequences of our commitment in earnest and informed conversation together and in urgent prayer to God for grace end light, seeking to know His will for us in this day.<br />
<br />
In our common consideration we have come to certain united convictions expressed in the following declarations which we now humbly send as our message to all our churches both in America and throughout the world as well as to all others who own Christ as Lord. To our brethren we say, this is the day for us to take a clear and unwavering stand on the great essentials of the Gospel and Christian discipleship. It is a day in which to demonstrate and proclaim courageously end unflinchingly this redemptive Gospel and this life of love end service in its fullness and its glory. Let us do so in united purpose with one heart and voice, trusting in the power of our God and the companionship of our Lord who has promised to be with us alway.<br />
<br />
===II.===<br />
<br />
1. '''It is our faith''' that one is our Master, even Christ, to whom alone supreme loyalty and obedience is due, who is our only Saviour and Lord.<br />
<br />
2. '''It is our faith''' that by the renewing grace of God which makes us new creatures in Christ, and alone thereby, we can through the power of the indwelling Spirit live the life of holy obedience and discipleship to which all the sons of God are called, for His grace does forgive and heal the penitent sinner and brings us to a new life of fellowship with Him and with one another.<br />
<br />
3. '''It is our faith''' that redeeming love is at the heart of the Gospel, coming from God and into us to constrain us to love Him and our neighbor, and that such love must henceforth be at the centre of every thought and act.<br />
<br />
4. '''It is our faith''' that Christ has established in His church a universal community and brotherhood within which the fullness of Christ's reign must be practiced, into which the redeemed must be brought, and from which must go out into all human society the saving and healing ministry of the Gospel.<br />
<br />
5. '''It is our faith''' that the life of love and peace is God's plan for the individual and the race, and that therefore discipleship means the abandonment of hatred, strife and violence in all human relations, both individual and social.<br />
<br />
===III===<br />
<br />
These declarations of faith give no blueprint for peace nor do they assume that human endeavor alone can bring about a warless world within history, for only when men come under the Lordship of Christ can they make peace and fulfill the prayer of our Lord, "Thy Kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth as in heaven." They do, however, require certain attitudes, duties and ministries of us, to which we do here by God's grace declare our adherence and our determination to undertake in His name.<br />
<br />
1. Our love and ministry must go out to all men regardless of race or condition, within or without the brotherhood, whether friend or foe, and must seek to bring the Gospel and all its benefits to every one. Race or class prejudice must never be found among us.<br />
<br />
2. We do recognize fully that God has set the state in its place of power and ministry. But, recognizing the relative and conditional validity of any particular form of government and of concrete legislative, executive, and judicial acts, we hold that we must judge all things in the light of God's Word and see that our responses to the relativities of the state and its workings are always conformed to the absolutes of Christian discipleship and love. We acknowledge our obligation to witness to the powers that be of the righteousness which God requires of all men, even in government, and beyond this to continue in earnest intercession to God on their behalf.<br />
<br />
3. We do have the responsibility to bring to the total social order of which we are a part, and from which we receive so much, the utmost of which we are capable in Christian love and service. Seeking for all men first the kingdom of God and His righteousness, we must hold together in one united ministry the evangelism which brings men to Christ and the creative application of the Gospel to cultural, social and material needs; for we find that the true and ultimate goal of evangelism is the Christianization of the whole of life and the creation of the fully Christian community within the fellowship of faith. For this reason the social order, including our own segment of it, must be constantly brought under the judgment of Christ.<br />
<br />
4. We cannot be satisfied to retain for ourselves and our communities alone, in any kind of self-centered and isolated enjoyment, the great spiritual and material goods which God has bestowed upon us, but are bound in loving outreach to all to bear witness and to serve, summoning men everywhere to the life of full discipleship and to the pursuit of peace and love without limit. Separately and together we must use every feasible way and facility for this ministry: the spoken and written word; the demonstration of holiness and love in family, church, and community; relief work and social service; and all other ways. We must enlist many more of our people in such witness and service, both as a major purpose of their life and for specific projects and terms. Especially now must Christian love and redemptive action find expression in our ministry of service, when men are turning more and more to the use of force and war in futile attempts to solve the urgent problems of our world. In this service our youth can play a great part. They should give themselves to it in large numbers, both for shorter terms and in lifetime dedication.<br />
<br />
5. Parallel with this we must practice an increasingly sharper Christian control of our economic, social, and cultural practices among ourselves and toward others, to make certain that love truly operates to work no ill to our neighbor, either short-range or long-range. Knowing how much the selfishness, pride and greed of individuals , groups, and nations, which economic systems often encourage, help to cause carnal strife and warfare, we must see to it that we do not contribute thereto, whether for the goals of direct military operations or to anything which destroys property or causes hurt or loss of human life.<br />
<br />
6. While rejecting any social system or ideology such as atheistic communism, which opposes the Gospel and would destroy the true Christian faith end way of life, we cannot take any attitude or commit any act contrary to Christian love against those who hold or promote such views or practices, but must seek to overcome their evil end win them through the Gospel.<br />
<br />
7. We cannot compromise with war in any form. In case of renewed compulsion by the state in any form of conscription of service or labor, money or goods, including industrial plants, we must find ways to serve our countries and the needs of men elsewhere, in ways which will give significant and necessary benefits, which will keep our Christian testimony uncompromised, particularly with respect to war , and which will make possible a faithful representation of Christ and His love. We cannot therefore participate in military service in any form. We cannot have any part in financing war operations or preparations through war bonds. We cannot knowingly participate in the manufacture of munitions, weapons, and instruments of war or destruction. We cannot take part in scientific, educational, or cultural programs designed to contribute to war, or in any propaganda or activity that tends to promote ill-will or hatred among men or nations. We must rather foster good will, understanding, and mutual regard and help among all nations, races, and classes. And we cannot as churches lend ourselves to the direct administration of conscription or state compulsion, seeking rather to find voluntary patterns of service through which the demands of the state may be both satisfied and transcended, and going with our men in whatever civilian service they give.<br />
<br />
8. If war does come with its possible serious devastation from bombings or other forms of destruction, such as atomic blasts, germ warfare, poison gas, etc., we will willingly render every help which conscience permits, sacrificially and without thought of personal safety, so long as we thereby help to preserve and restore life end not to destroy it.<br />
<br />
===IV===<br />
<br />
While we are deeply grateful to God for the precious heritage of faith including the principle of love and nonresistance,* which our Swiss, Dutch, and German Anabaptist-Mennonite forefathers purchased for us by their faith, obedience, and sacrifice, and which we believe is again expressed in the above declarations and commitments, we are convinced that this faith must be repossessed personally by each one out of his own reading and obeying of God's Word, and must ever be spelled out in life practice anew. Hence, we summon our brotherhood to a deeper mastery of the Scriptures as the infallible revelation of God's will for us, and to a finding afresh under Holy Spirit guidance of its total message regarding Christ's way and its application in our present world.<br />
<br />
We humbly confess our inadequacies and failures both in understanding and in following this way, knowing well that we have come short both in demonstration and proclamation of Christian love. As we renew our commitment of discipleship and ambassadorship for Christ, we know how much we need God's grace and each other's help in the fellowship of His body in learning and obeying. Let us therefore stand together and go on together in His name and for His cause.<br />
<br />
*A faith universally held by the Mennonites of all lands for the first three centuries of our history and continuously confessed by all groups in North America until this day.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
==Bibliography==<br />
* ''Report of the MCC Peace Section Study Conference'' held at Winona Lake, Indiana, November 9-12, 1950.<br />
<br />
* Lapp, John A. "The Peace Mission of the Mennonite Central Committee." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' 44 (July 1970): 281-297.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Declaration_of_Christian_Faith_and_Commitment_(1950)_(Winona_Lake,_Indiana_Peace_statement_by_Mennonite_Central_Committee-related_conferences)&diff=10909
Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)
2012-07-06T21:14:13Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Bibliography */</p>
<hr />
<div>Five years after World War II [[Mennonite Central Committee]] Peace Section called for a study conference on nonresistance, held at Winona Lake, Indiana , November 9-12, 1950. J. Harold Sherk, a Canadian, served as Executive Secretary of the Peace section at the time. <br />
<br />
Delegates from fourteen participating Amish and Mennonite conferences attended from both the United States and Canada. Bishop E. J. Swalm, a Brethren in Christ leader from Canada, chaired the meeting. Other Canadian leaders who participated included John G. Rempel, Jesse B. Martin, David P. Reimer, C. J. Rempel, John A. Harder and David Schulz. John G. Rempel served on the committee that developed the declaration. <br />
<br />
The declaration was remarkable for its attempt to create a unified Mennonite statement on peace when some groups were dropping the Mennonite name ([[Mennonite Brethren in Christ]]) and others had seen a significant percentage of their young men join the military during World War II. In 1970 John A. Lapp said the Winona Lake statement was "the only extensive inter-Mennonite theological document ever produced." While he said the statement was "not a notably profound document, this better than any prior ... statement shows the essential unity of Mennonite/Brethren in Christ faith and concern." The Winona Lake declaration served MCC Peace Section as an umbrella theological statement for many years. In 1993, Mennonite Central Committee approved a new peace statement, entitled "A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace."<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
==A Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment==<br />
The Message of the Mennonite Study Conference on Nonresistance (Winona Lake, Indiana, November 9-12, 1950)<br />
<br />
===I. ===<br />
<br />
At this mid-point of the 20th century, at a critical time in a generation marked by widespread and disastrous wars and shadowed by the threat of still more ruinous warfare, this conference of delegated representatives from the Mennonite and Brethren in Christ churches of the United States and Canada unites in a renewed declaration of faith in Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace, in His Gospel, and in His power to redeem and transform in life and in human society all those who receive Him as Saviour and Lord and are thus born anew by the Spirit of God. It also unites in a deeper commitment to follow Christ in full discipleship in the way of peace and love, the way of nonresistance and peacemaking. In this conference we have seen anew the high calling of the sons of God, having been confronted with the absolute claims which Christ makes upon us. We acknowledge these claims in full, and have sought to trace the meaning of His Lordship and the consequences of our commitment in earnest and informed conversation together and in urgent prayer to God for grace end light, seeking to know His will for us in this day.<br />
<br />
In our common consideration we have come to certain united convictions expressed in the following declarations which we now humbly send as our message to all our churches both in America and throughout the world as well as to all others who own Christ as Lord. To our brethren we say, this is the day for us to take a clear and unwavering stand on the great essentials of the Gospel and Christian discipleship. It is a day in which to demonstrate and proclaim courageously end unflinchingly this redemptive Gospel and this life of love end service in its fullness and its glory. Let us do so in united purpose with one heart and voice, trusting in the power of our God and the companionship of our Lord who has promised to be with us alway.<br />
<br />
===II.===<br />
<br />
1. It is our faith that one is our Master, even Christ, to whom alone supreme loyalty and obedience is due, who is our only Saviour and Lord.<br />
<br />
2. It is our faith that by the renewing grace of God which makes us new creatures in Christ, and alone thereby, we can through the power of the indwelling Spirit live the life of holy obedience and discipleship to which all the sons of God are called, for His grace does forgive and heal the penitent sinner and brings us to a new life of fellowship with Him and with one another.<br />
<br />
3. It is our faith that redeeming love is at the heart of the Gospel, coming from God and into us to constrain us to love Him and our neighbor, and that such love must henceforth be at the centre of every thought and act.<br />
<br />
4. It is our faith that Christ has established in His church a universal community and brotherhood within which the fullness of Christ's reign must be practiced, into which the redeemed must be brought, and from which must go out into all human society the saving and healing ministry of the Gospel.<br />
<br />
5. It is our faith that the life of love and peace is God's plan for the individual and the race, and that therefore discipleship means the abandonment of hatred, strife and violence in all human relations, both individual and social.<br />
<br />
===III===<br />
<br />
These declarations of faith give no blueprint for peace nor do they assume that human endeavor alone can bring about a warless world within history, for only when men come under the Lordship of Christ can they make peace and fulfill the prayer of our Lord, "Thy Kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth as in heaven." They do, however, require certain attitudes, duties and ministries of us, to which we do here by God's grace declare our adherence and our determination to undertake in His name.<br />
<br />
1. Our love and ministry must go out to all men regardless of race or condition, within or without the brotherhood, whether friend or foe, and must seek to bring the Gospel and all its benefits to every one. Race or class prejudice must never be found among us.<br />
<br />
2. We do recognize fully that God has set the state in its place of power and ministry. But, recognizing the relative and conditional validity of any particular form of government and of concrete legislative, executive, and judicial acts, we hold that we must judge all things in the light of God's Word and see that our responses to the relativities of the state and its workings are always conformed to the absolutes of Christian discipleship and love. We acknowledge our obligation to witness to the powers that be of the righteousness which God requires of all men, even in government, and beyond this to continue in earnest intercession to God on their behalf.<br />
<br />
3. We do have the responsibility to bring to the total social order of which we are a part, and from which we receive so much, the utmost of which we are capable in Christian love and service. Seeking for all men first the kingdom of God and His righteousness, we must hold together in one united ministry the evangelism which brings men to Christ and the creative application of the Gospel to cultural, social and material needs; for we find that the true and ultimate goal of evangelism is the Christianization of the whole of life and the creation of the fully Christian community within the fellowship of faith. For this reason the social order, including our own segment of it, must be constantly brought under the judgment of Christ.<br />
<br />
4. We cannot be satisfied to retain for ourselves and our communities alone, in any kind of self-centered and isolated enjoyment, the great spiritual and material goods which God has bestowed upon us, but are bound in loving outreach to all to bear witness and to serve, summoning men everywhere to the life of full discipleship and to the pursuit of peace and love without limit. Separately and together we must use every feasible way and facility for this ministry: the spoken and written word; the demonstration of holiness and love in family, church, and community; relief work and social service; and all other ways. We must enlist many more of our people in such witness and service, both as a major purpose of their life and for specific projects and terms. Especially now must Christian love and redemptive action find expression in our ministry of service, when men are turning more and more to the use of force and war in futile attempts to solve the urgent problems of our world. In this service our youth can play a great part. They should give themselves to it in large numbers, both for shorter terms and in lifetime dedication.<br />
<br />
5. Parallel with this we must practice an increasingly sharper Christian control of our economic, social, and cultural practices among ourselves and toward others, to make certain that love truly operates to work no ill to our neighbor, either short-range or long-range. Knowing how much the selfishness, pride and greed of individuals , groups, and nations, which economic systems often encourage, help to cause carnal strife and warfare, we must see to it that we do not contribute thereto, whether for the goals of direct military operations or to anything which destroys property or causes hurt or loss of human life.<br />
<br />
6. While rejecting any social system or ideology such as atheistic communism, which opposes the Gospel and would destroy the true Christian faith end way of life, we cannot take any attitude or commit any act contrary to Christian love against those who hold or promote such views or practices, but must seek to overcome their evil end win them through the Gospel.<br />
<br />
7. We cannot compromise with war in any form. In case of renewed compulsion by the state in any form of conscription of service or labor, money or goods, including industrial plants, we must find ways to serve our countries and the needs of men elsewhere, in ways which will give significant and necessary benefits, which will keep our Christian testimony uncompromised, particularly with respect to war , and which will make possible a faithful representation of Christ and His love. We cannot therefore participate in military service in any form. We cannot have any part in financing war operations or preparations through war bonds. We cannot knowingly participate in the manufacture of munitions, weapons, and instruments of war or destruction. We cannot take part in scientific, educational, or cultural programs designed to contribute to war, or in any propaganda or activity that tends to promote ill-will or hatred among men or nations. We must rather foster good will, understanding, and mutual regard and help among all nations, races, and classes. And we cannot as churches lend ourselves to the direct administration of conscription or state compulsion, seeking rather to find voluntary patterns of service through which the demands of the state may be both satisfied and transcended, and going with our men in whatever civilian service they give.<br />
<br />
8. If war does come with its possible serious devastation from bombings or other forms of destruction, such as atomic blasts, germ warfare, poison gas, etc., we will willingly render every help which conscience permits, sacrificially and without thought of personal safety, so long as we thereby help to preserve and restore life end not to destroy it.<br />
<br />
===IV===<br />
<br />
While we are deeply grateful to God for the precious heritage of faith including the principle of love and nonresistance,* which our Swiss, Dutch, and German Anabaptist-Mennonite forefathers purchased for us by their faith, obedience, and sacrifice, and which we believe is again expressed in the above declarations and commitments, we are convinced that this faith must be repossessed personally by each one out of his own reading and obeying of God's Word, and must ever be spelled out in life practice anew. Hence, we summon our brotherhood to a deeper mastery of the Scriptures as the infallible revelation of God's will for us, and to a finding afresh under Holy Spirit guidance of its total message regarding Christ's way and its application in our present world.<br />
<br />
We humbly confess our inadequacies and failures both in understanding and in following this way, knowing well that we have come short both in demonstration and proclamation of Christian love. As we renew our commitment of discipleship and ambassadorship for Christ, we know how much we need God's grace and each other's help in the fellowship of His body in learning and obeying. Let us therefore stand together and go on together in His name and for His cause.<br />
<br />
*A faith universally held by the Mennonites of all lands for the first three centuries of our history and continuously confessed by all groups in North America until this day.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
==Bibliography==<br />
* ''Report of the MCC Peace Section Study Conference'' held at Winona Lake, Indiana, November 9-12, 1950.<br />
<br />
* Lapp, John A. "The Peace Mission of the Mennonite Central Committee." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' 44 (July 1970): 281-297.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Declaration_of_Christian_Faith_and_Commitment_(1950)_(Winona_Lake,_Indiana_Peace_statement_by_Mennonite_Central_Committee-related_conferences)&diff=10908
Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)
2012-07-06T21:11:43Z
<p>Hannahec: Created page with "Five years after World War II Mennonite Central Committee Peace Section called for a study conference on nonresistance, held at Winona Lake, Indiana , November 9-12, 1950...."</p>
<hr />
<div>Five years after World War II [[Mennonite Central Committee]] Peace Section called for a study conference on nonresistance, held at Winona Lake, Indiana , November 9-12, 1950. J. Harold Sherk, a Canadian, served as Executive Secretary of the Peace section at the time. <br />
<br />
Delegates from fourteen participating Amish and Mennonite conferences attended from both the United States and Canada. Bishop E. J. Swalm, a Brethren in Christ leader from Canada, chaired the meeting. Other Canadian leaders who participated included John G. Rempel, Jesse B. Martin, David P. Reimer, C. J. Rempel, John A. Harder and David Schulz. John G. Rempel served on the committee that developed the declaration. <br />
<br />
The declaration was remarkable for its attempt to create a unified Mennonite statement on peace when some groups were dropping the Mennonite name ([[Mennonite Brethren in Christ]]) and others had seen a significant percentage of their young men join the military during World War II. In 1970 John A. Lapp said the Winona Lake statement was "the only extensive inter-Mennonite theological document ever produced." While he said the statement was "not a notably profound document, this better than any prior ... statement shows the essential unity of Mennonite/Brethren in Christ faith and concern." The Winona Lake declaration served MCC Peace Section as an umbrella theological statement for many years. In 1993, Mennonite Central Committee approved a new peace statement, entitled "A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace."<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
==A Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment==<br />
The Message of the Mennonite Study Conference on Nonresistance (Winona Lake, Indiana, November 9-12, 1950)<br />
<br />
===I. ===<br />
<br />
At this mid-point of the 20th century, at a critical time in a generation marked by widespread and disastrous wars and shadowed by the threat of still more ruinous warfare, this conference of delegated representatives from the Mennonite and Brethren in Christ churches of the United States and Canada unites in a renewed declaration of faith in Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace, in His Gospel, and in His power to redeem and transform in life and in human society all those who receive Him as Saviour and Lord and are thus born anew by the Spirit of God. It also unites in a deeper commitment to follow Christ in full discipleship in the way of peace and love, the way of nonresistance and peacemaking. In this conference we have seen anew the high calling of the sons of God, having been confronted with the absolute claims which Christ makes upon us. We acknowledge these claims in full, and have sought to trace the meaning of His Lordship and the consequences of our commitment in earnest and informed conversation together and in urgent prayer to God for grace end light, seeking to know His will for us in this day.<br />
<br />
In our common consideration we have come to certain united convictions expressed in the following declarations which we now humbly send as our message to all our churches both in America and throughout the world as well as to all others who own Christ as Lord. To our brethren we say, this is the day for us to take a clear and unwavering stand on the great essentials of the Gospel and Christian discipleship. It is a day in which to demonstrate and proclaim courageously end unflinchingly this redemptive Gospel and this life of love end service in its fullness and its glory. Let us do so in united purpose with one heart and voice, trusting in the power of our God and the companionship of our Lord who has promised to be with us alway.<br />
<br />
===II.===<br />
<br />
1. It is our faith that one is our Master, even Christ, to whom alone supreme loyalty and obedience is due, who is our only Saviour and Lord.<br />
<br />
2. It is our faith that by the renewing grace of God which makes us new creatures in Christ, and alone thereby, we can through the power of the indwelling Spirit live the life of holy obedience and discipleship to which all the sons of God are called, for His grace does forgive and heal the penitent sinner and brings us to a new life of fellowship with Him and with one another.<br />
<br />
3. It is our faith that redeeming love is at the heart of the Gospel, coming from God and into us to constrain us to love Him and our neighbor, and that such love must henceforth be at the centre of every thought and act.<br />
<br />
4. It is our faith that Christ has established in His church a universal community and brotherhood within which the fullness of Christ's reign must be practiced, into which the redeemed must be brought, and from which must go out into all human society the saving and healing ministry of the Gospel.<br />
<br />
5. It is our faith that the life of love and peace is God's plan for the individual and the race, and that therefore discipleship means the abandonment of hatred, strife and violence in all human relations, both individual and social.<br />
<br />
===III===<br />
<br />
These declarations of faith give no blueprint for peace nor do they assume that human endeavor alone can bring about a warless world within history, for only when men come under the Lordship of Christ can they make peace and fulfill the prayer of our Lord, "Thy Kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth as in heaven." They do, however, require certain attitudes, duties and ministries of us, to which we do here by God's grace declare our adherence and our determination to undertake in His name.<br />
<br />
1. Our love and ministry must go out to all men regardless of race or condition, within or without the brotherhood, whether friend or foe, and must seek to bring the Gospel and all its benefits to every one. Race or class prejudice must never be found among us.<br />
<br />
2. We do recognize fully that God has set the state in its place of power and ministry. But, recognizing the relative and conditional validity of any particular form of government and of concrete legislative, executive, and judicial acts, we hold that we must judge all things in the light of God's Word and see that our responses to the relativities of the state and its workings are always conformed to the absolutes of Christian discipleship and love. We acknowledge our obligation to witness to the powers that be of the righteousness which God requires of all men, even in government, and beyond this to continue in earnest intercession to God on their behalf.<br />
<br />
3. We do have the responsibility to bring to the total social order of which we are a part, and from which we receive so much, the utmost of which we are capable in Christian love and service. Seeking for all men first the kingdom of God and His righteousness, we must hold together in one united ministry the evangelism which brings men to Christ and the creative application of the Gospel to cultural, social and material needs; for we find that the true and ultimate goal of evangelism is the Christianization of the whole of life and the creation of the fully Christian community within the fellowship of faith. For this reason the social order, including our own segment of it, must be constantly brought under the judgment of Christ.<br />
<br />
4. We cannot be satisfied to retain for ourselves and our communities alone, in any kind of self-centered and isolated enjoyment, the great spiritual and material goods which God has bestowed upon us, but are bound in loving outreach to all to bear witness and to serve, summoning men everywhere to the life of full discipleship and to the pursuit of peace and love without limit. Separately and together we must use every feasible way and facility for this ministry: the spoken and written word; the demonstration of holiness and love in family, church, and community; relief work and social service; and all other ways. We must enlist many more of our people in such witness and service, both as a major purpose of their life and for specific projects and terms. Especially now must Christian love and redemptive action find expression in our ministry of service, when men are turning more and more to the use of force and war in futile attempts to solve the urgent problems of our world. In this service our youth can play a great part. They should give themselves to it in large numbers, both for shorter terms and in lifetime dedication.<br />
<br />
5. Parallel with this we must practice an increasingly sharper Christian control of our economic, social, and cultural practices among ourselves and toward others, to make certain that love truly operates to work no ill to our neighbor, either short-range or long-range. Knowing how much the selfishness, pride and greed of individuals , groups, and nations, which economic systems often encourage, help to cause carnal strife and warfare, we must see to it that we do not contribute thereto, whether for the goals of direct military operations or to anything which destroys property or causes hurt or loss of human life.<br />
<br />
6. While rejecting any social system or ideology such as atheistic communism, which opposes the Gospel and would destroy the true Christian faith end way of life, we cannot take any attitude or commit any act contrary to Christian love against those who hold or promote such views or practices, but must seek to overcome their evil end win them through the Gospel.<br />
<br />
7. We cannot compromise with war in any form. In case of renewed compulsion by the state in any form of conscription of service or labor, money or goods, including industrial plants, we must find ways to serve our countries and the needs of men elsewhere, in ways which will give significant and necessary benefits, which will keep our Christian testimony uncompromised, particularly with respect to war , and which will make possible a faithful representation of Christ and His love. We cannot therefore participate in military service in any form. We cannot have any part in financing war operations or preparations through war bonds. We cannot knowingly participate in the manufacture of munitions, weapons, and instruments of war or destruction. We cannot take part in scientific, educational, or cultural programs designed to contribute to war, or in any propaganda or activity that tends to promote ill-will or hatred among men or nations. We must rather foster good will, understanding, and mutual regard and help among all nations, races, and classes. And we cannot as churches lend ourselves to the direct administration of conscription or state compulsion, seeking rather to find voluntary patterns of service through which the demands of the state may be both satisfied and transcended, and going with our men in whatever civilian service they give.<br />
<br />
8. If war does come with its possible serious devastation from bombings or other forms of destruction, such as atomic blasts, germ warfare, poison gas, etc., we will willingly render every help which conscience permits, sacrificially and without thought of personal safety, so long as we thereby help to preserve and restore life end not to destroy it.<br />
<br />
===IV===<br />
<br />
While we are deeply grateful to God for the precious heritage of faith including the principle of love and nonresistance,* which our Swiss, Dutch, and German Anabaptist-Mennonite forefathers purchased for us by their faith, obedience, and sacrifice, and which we believe is again expressed in the above declarations and commitments, we are convinced that this faith must be repossessed personally by each one out of his own reading and obeying of God's Word, and must ever be spelled out in life practice anew. Hence, we summon our brotherhood to a deeper mastery of the Scriptures as the infallible revelation of God's will for us, and to a finding afresh under Holy Spirit guidance of its total message regarding Christ's way and its application in our present world.<br />
<br />
We humbly confess our inadequacies and failures both in understanding and in following this way, knowing well that we have come short both in demonstration and proclamation of Christian love. As we renew our commitment of discipleship and ambassadorship for Christ, we know how much we need God's grace and each other's help in the fellowship of His body in learning and obeying. Let us therefore stand together and go on together in His name and for His cause.<br />
<br />
*A faith universally held by the Mennonites of all lands for the first three centuries of our history and continuously confessed by all groups in North America until this day.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
==Bibliography==<br />
''Report of the MCC Peace Section Study Conference'' held at Winona Lake, Indiana, November 9-12, 1950.<br />
<br />
Lapp, John A. "The Peace Mission of the Mennonite Central Committee." ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'' 44 (July 1970): 281-297.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Online_Anabaptist-Mennonite_Library&diff=10907
Online Anabaptist-Mennonite Library
2012-07-06T21:02:15Z
<p>Hannahec: /* 2000 to 2010 */</p>
<hr />
<div>In 2012, [http://www.gameo.org/ GAMEO] transferred its online library (then called the Anabaptist Mennonite Ethereal Library) containing the '''full texts''' of significant Mennonite confessions of faith and position statements on a variety of issues. These valuable sources can now be found here. A few early confessions of other faith groups are also included. <br />
<br />
These full-text documents represent a variety of Mennonite denominations over an extended period of time. Thus you will find statements that may not agree with one another because they come from Mennonite groups with differing emphases, or because these emphases have changed over time.<br />
<br />
The documents are arranged in '''chronological order''' within their categories.<br />
==Confessions of Faith==<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Confessions of Faith </div><br />
* [[Schleitheim Confession (source)|Schleitheim Confession]] (Anabaptist, 1527)<br />
* [[Wismar Articles (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)|Wismar Articles]] (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)<br />
* [[Strasbourg Discipline (South German Anabaptist, 1568)|Strasbourg Discipline]] (South German Anabaptist, 1568)<br />
* [[Waterlander Confession of Faith (1577)|Confession of Faith]] (Waterlander, 1577)<br />
* [[The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries (1578)|The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries]] (1578)<br />
* [[Concept of Cologne (Anabaptists, 1591)|Concept of Cologne]] (Anabaptists, 1591)<br />
* [[The Confession of Faith (P.J. Twisck, 1617)|The Confession of Faith]] (P.J. Twisck, 1617)<br />
* [[A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries (1618)|A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries]] (1618)<br />
* [[Olive Branch Confession (1627)|Olive Branch Confession]] (Dutch Mennonite, 1627)<br />
* [[Dordrecht Confession of Faith (Mennonite, 1632)|Dordrecht Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite, 1632)<br />
* [[Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris (1766)|Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris]] (1766)<br />
* [[Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)|Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith]] (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)<br />
* [[Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, Articles of Confession (1896)|Articles of Confession]] (Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Our Common Confession (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)|Our Common Confession]] (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1902)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1902)<br />
* [[Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches Articles of Faith (1950)|Articles of Faith]] (Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches, 1950)<br />
* [[Mennonite Confession of Faith (Mennonite Church, 1963)|Mennonite Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Church, 1963)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1975)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)|Confession of Faith]] (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Conference Confession of Faith (1994)|Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Conference, 1994)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)|Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective]] (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference Confession of Faith (2001) | Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference, 2001)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Catechisms==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[Elbing Catechism (Mennonite, 1778)|Elbing Catechism]] (Mennonite, 1778)<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Position Statements==<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Position Statements</div><br />
Here you will find a variety of full-text documents, arranged in chronological order, that contain Anabaptist/Mennonite declarations of positions on various matters. <br />
|}<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">16th Century to 1980</div><br />
====Pre-20th Century ====<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Document of Secession (1860)|Document of Secession]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1860)<br />
<br />
====1900 to 1950====<br />
* [[Report of the Dress Committee (Mennonite Church, 1913)|Report of the Dress Committee]] (Mennonite Church, 1913)<br />
* [[Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare (Mennonite Church, 1915)|Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare]] (Mennonite Church, 1915)<br />
* [[Statement of Our Position on Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1917)|Statement of Our Position on Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1917)<br />
* [[Christian Fundamentals (Mennonite Church, 1921)|Christian Fundamentals]] (Mennonite Church, 1921)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite (1925)|A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite]] (1925)<br />
* [[A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1937)|A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1937)<br />
* [[Statement of Doctrine (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|Statement of Doctrine]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* The Anabaptist Vision by Harold S. Bender (1944)<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)<br />
<br />
====1951 to 1960====<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment with Respect to Peace, War, and Nonresistance (Mennonite Church, 1951)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Peace, War, and Military Service (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1953)<br />
* Declaration of Commitment in Respect to Christian Separation and Nonconformity to the World (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Nurture and Evangelism of Children (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Way of Christian Love in Race Relations (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* Statement on the Believers' Church (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1956)<br />
* The Theology of Christian Experience (Mennonite Church, 1957)<br />
* The Christian and Nuclear Power (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian and Race Relations (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian View of Marriage (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* On Inspiration of the Bible (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
====1961 to 1970====<br />
* Christian Parenthood (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* The Christian Witness to the State (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Communism and Anti-Communism (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Dedication for Our Times (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Love and Unity in the Church (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Recreation (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Communism and Anti-Communism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on the Authority of the Scriptures (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* The Christian Family (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1963)<br />
* Capital Punishment and the Ministry of the Church to the Offender (Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Capital Punishment (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* Resolution on Nationalism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on World Hunger (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on Divorce and Remarriage (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1969)<br />
* Response to Conscription and Militarism (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
* Urban-Racial Concerns (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
====1971 to 1980====<br />
* The Way of Peace (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1971)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Amnesty (Mennonite Central Committee, 1973)<br />
* A Statement of Direction to Guide Congregations and Regional Conferences in Understanding Ordination (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1974)<br />
* Resolution on World Food Crisis (Mennonite Central Committee, 1974)<br />
* Abortion (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Amnesty (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Understandings Concerning Women and Men (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Resolution on Abortion (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Interpretation In The Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Call and Care of Pastors (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Christian Stewardship of Energy Resources (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Governmental Oppression and our Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Holy Spirit In the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Offender Ministries (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Television Violence (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Interpretation of Scriptures (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Mennonite Brethren and the Urban Challenge (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Political Involvement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Resolution on Pastoral Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Affirming Our Faith in Word and Deed (Mennonite Church, 1979)<br />
* Guidelines on Abortion (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
*Legal and Legislative Exemptions from War Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">1981 to 2010</div><br />
====1981 to 1990====<br />
* Leadership and Authority in the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Homosexuality (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Divorced and Remarried (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Women in the Church (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Question of Love and Non-Resistance (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* The Use of the Law (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Justice and the Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Mennonite Tricentennial Resolution (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Central America (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Conscientious Objection to Military Taxes (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* A Resolution on Faithful Action Toward Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution Regarding Caring Community (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Statement on Inter-Mennonite Cooperation in North America (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Vision for Witness (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* "God's People Reconciling [35 minute Audio file]" (Mennonite World Conference presentation by Ron Sider, 28 July 1984 in Strasbourg, France) Windows Media File (5 MB); MP3 File (15 MB)<br />
* Ten-Year Goals (Vision '95)(Mennonite Church, 1985)<br />
* A Call to Kingdom Commitments (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Many Peoples Becoming God's People (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Apartheid (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Human Sexuality (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Baptism by Immersion as a Requirement for Ordination to Pastoral Leadership (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1987)<br />
* A Call to Affirmation, Confession, and Covenant Regarding Human Sexuality (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Growing in Stewardship and Witness in a Militaristic World (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Resolution on South Africa (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* A Church of Many Peoples Confronts Racism (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Recommendation on Exploring MC/GC Integration (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on Military Tax Withholding (Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on the 500th Anniversary of Columbus (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Stewardship of the Earth: Resolution on Environment and Faith Issues (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Vision Statement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1990)<br />
====1991 to 1999====<br />
* On Observing 1992 (Mennonite Church, 1991)<br />
* Statement of Doctrine (Conservative Mennonite Conference, 1991)<br />
* A Resolution against Interpersonal Abuse (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution on Health Care (General Conference Mennonite Church U.S. Assembly, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution to Laugh with Abraham and Sarah (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Call for a Peacemaking Task Force (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace (Mennonite Central Committee, 1993)<br />
* Peace in Our Time (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Resolution on Health Care in the United States (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Resolution on Male Violence Against Women (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Affirming Peacemaking as it Relates to the Peace Tax (U.S.)/Peace Trust (Canada) (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Agreeing and Disagreeing in Love -- Commitments for Mennonites in Times of Disagreement (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Resolution on a Jubilee Year of Repentance and Action Regarding Nuclear Weapons (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Vision: Healing and Hope (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church , 1995)<br />
* "And No One Shall Make Them Afraid" (Zephaniah 3:12-13): a Mennonite Statement on Violence (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Is Jesus the Only Way? (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Mission Statement for Congregational Youth Ministry (Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Ordination (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Guidelines for building faithful relationships in the church (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Resolution on the Issue of Homosexuality (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Guidelines for Membership in the New Mennonite Church (Mennonite Church Canada, 1999)<br />
* Women in Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1999)<br />
====2000 to 2010====<br />
* [[The Call from Colombia to MC Canada (2000)|The Call from Colombia to MC Canada]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc. (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)|Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc.]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Colombia Resolution (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)|Colombia Resolution]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)<br />
* [[Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Resolution on Plan Colombia (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Resolution on Plan Colombia]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[A Resolution: The Death Penalty (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)| A Resolution: The Death Penalty]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Vieques Resolution]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Abortion]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Immigration]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on the War in Iraq (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)|Statement on the War in Iraq]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)<br />
* [[MWC Shared Convictions (2006)|Shared Convictions]] (Mennonite World Conference, 2006)<br />
* [[A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
<br />
|}</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Immigration_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10906
Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T21:01:46Z
<p>Hannahec: /* National Immigration Law Center */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Mennonite Church USA]] has roots in seventeenth-century churches planted by immigrants from Europe. Our church continues to grow and be enlivened by immigrants who join us from many countries. As Christians, we believe we are called to welcome these sojourners in our congregations and communities, especially as our government creates increasingly harsh immigration laws in the name of fighting terrorism. Assumptions about identity make some people more vulnerable to political biases and discrimination than others. Our concerns about the status of immigrants in this country relate to how people are treated based on race, nationality, ethnicity, and religious identity. We reject our country's mistreatment of immigrants, repent of our silence, and commit ourselves to act with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters, regardless of their legal status.<br />
<br />
==Biblical Background==<br />
The Bible offers us some valuable insights about welcoming strangers, and in our context immigrants are viewed as strangers. "When a stranger sojourns with you in your land, you shall not do [the stranger] wrong. The stranger who sojourns with you shall be to you as the native among you, and you shall love [the stranger] as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt..." (Leviticus 19:33, 34). We affirm that God has called us to welcome immigrants, because all of us are sojourners (Exodus 23:9, Deuteronomy 24:17, 18). We believe that when we welcome strangers, we welcome Jesus (Matthew 25:35).<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in the United States==<br />
We may not realize it, but our nation depends economically and culturally on the contributions of immigrants. Immigrant entrepreneurs, professionals, and artists contribute to the United States' wealth and diverse culture. Immigrant laborers often work the least desirable jobs.<br />
<br />
For many immigrants, however, the opportunities of living in the United States are offset by hardship and discrimination. They work the most difficult and dangerous jobs for the lowest pay, and immigrants without documents are frequently cheated out of wages and denied compensation for work-related injuries. Unfair immigration policies make it difficult to travel across borders, unjust quota systems discriminate against citizens from some countries, and families are divided by long delays in document processing. Immigrants in poverty are denied most welfare and healthcare benefits. Because our society tells us to fear some immigrants more than others, an increasingly militarized U.S./Mexico border has led to reports of abuse by border guards and hundreds of deaths in the desert.a<br />
<br />
Since September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration, with the support of others in the government, has issued new policies and enforced old laws that strike fear in the hearts of immigrant communities, creating the perception that any contact with government officials or social service agencies might result in arrest or deportation. Middle Eastern males across the United States are being forced to register and are deported if their papers are not in order. Haitians and other Caribbean peoples arriving by boat are being detained without regard for their civil rights and deported even when they have credible fear of persecution at home. The new Department of Homeland Security, whose stated mission is to guard the nation against terrorists, now handles immigration and refugee enforcement and services. Our government's policies lead us to view these strangers as a threat to our safety and economic security.<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in our congregations==<br />
Immigrants "documented and undocumented" are members of many Mennonite Church USA congregations. Immigrant churches face a society whose policies and practices discriminate against immigrants and people of color. Immigrant churches with undocumented members are deeply affected by the poverty and fear experienced by many members of their communities; often churches share the costs of food, shelter, and clothing, assist in job searches, and support families when members are deported. Undocumented church leaders are often unable or afraid to travel to larger church gatherings without identification. Congregations without immigrant members are finding their communities changed by immigration and are struggling with how to respond.<br />
<br />
==Our commitment==<br />
We affirm individuals and churches that are already working against poverty and fear in immigrant communities. We affirm those who are speaking to the government about our nation's unjust immigration policies. We affirm the church's work with anti-racism, while we acknowledge that much more work remains. We also affirm the church's support of agencies that are addressing the roots of international inequality, which cause people to emigrate. However, we understand that because the United States controls more material resources than any other country, people will continue to immigrate here in search of economic and political stability. Because of our nation's abundance, because God has called us to welcome the sojourner, and because of the richness that immigrants bring to the Mennonite Church USA, we commit ourselves to action with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters.<br />
<br />
''We invite Mennonite Church USA congregations to consider the following actions (resources listed below):''<br />
<br />
1. Build relationships with newcomers in our communities. Facilitate the mutual sharing of immigrants' stories and contributions in our churches and neighborhoods. <br><br />
<br />
2. Plan congregational learning tours in our communities, including immigrant neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces, as well as government offices that serve immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
3. Partner with immigrant congregations to plan church services or community events. <br><br />
<br />
4. Offer church facilities and volunteers for documentation services, English classes, ethnic celebrations, or other outreach programs. <br><br />
<br />
5. Engage in mutual aid to offer food, shelter, clothing, and other resources to undocumented and documented immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
6. Learn about issues affecting immigrants by reading newspapers or magazines, joining national immigration rights organizations, or contacting church agencies that work with immigration issues. <br><br />
<br />
7. Join study tours to the U.S./Mexico border, refugee camps, or detention centers to learn more about U.S. immigration and refugee policies. <br><br />
<br />
8. Advocate for just and humane policies for immigrants and refugees by contacting local, state, and national elected officials.<br><br />
<br />
==These groups helped write and support this resolution:==<br />
* Iglesia Menonita Hispana: Marco Guete, moderator; and Juan Montes, direcor<br />
* MCC US: Jose Ortiz, executive director; Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, immigration education and advocacy director; Bethany Spicher, Washington Office legislative assistant for domestic affairs; Felipe Hinojosa, MCC Central States staff associate<br />
* Executive Board Office of Cross Cultural Relations, Kenyetta Aduma, director<br />
* Executive Board Directors Office, Susan Mark Landis, peace advocate<br />
* Pacific Southwest Conference, Jeff Wright, conference minister, southern California<br />
* PSMC/CAL Mission Team and the PSMC Pastoral Leadership Committee<br />
* MultiEthnic Ministries, Mennonite Mission Network: Kuaying Teng, minister<br />
* Mission Association Center for Anabaptist Leadership: Rev. Femi Fatunmbi<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Executive Board Executive Board<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Constituency Leaders Council<br />
==Resources:==<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Immigration Office===<br />
Offers two packets: "Welcoming the Newcomer: Doing Advocacy with Immigrants," for general immigration information, and "Immigration Information Packet" about the basics of immigration law. Conducts periodic workshops on documentation, citizenship, the responsibilities of immigrant sponsors, the rights of battered immigrant women and children, and the rights of workers in employment raids. Contact Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, (717) 859-1151, rjy@mcc.org, http://www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office===<br />
Offers a primer on immigration advocacy. Contact Bethany Spicher, (202) 544-6564, bspicher@mcc.org, http//www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Resource Catalog===<br />
Includes various immigration-related videos with study guides, packets, and posters<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Web site===<br />
"Love in Action" page includes suggestions for hands-on assistance, education, and advocacy http://www.mcc.org/themes/us-immigration/index.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===New Bridges Immigrant Resource Center===<br />
Hosts community immigration learning tours in Harrisonburg, Va. Contact Susannah Gerber Lepley, (540) 438-8295, newbridges1@aol.com<br />
<br />
===BorderLinks===<br />
A non-profit organization that conducts travel seminars focusing on the issues of Mexican border communities. Contact Katie Hudak, (520) 628-8263, Katie@borderlinks.org, [http://www.borderlinks.org www.borderlinks.org]<br />
<br />
===Third Way Café===<br />
A collection of insightful interviews with a variety of immigrants and church workers who work with immigrants http://www.thirdway.com/btn/?Topic=Immigration<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Forum===<br />
Advocates and builds public support for public policies that welcome immigrants and refugees. Offers a series of short papers featuring useful statistical and historical information related to immigration. Visit www.immigrationforum.org<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Law Center===<br />
Specializes in immigration law, immigrant employment and public benefits rights of immigrants. Provides publications, technical advice and trainings on immigration. Visit [http://www.nilc.org www.nilc.org].<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
aThe [[Mexico]] Foreign Relations Office records 1870 deaths from 1995-2001. (There are no statistics for Arizona or Texas until 1996. The U.S. Border Patrol did not begin keeping comprehensive migrant death statistics until FY 1998.)<br />
<br />
"However, during the Bush Administration a fairly systematic pattern of increased rights abuses on the part of Border Patrol and other INS agents emerged more plainly from a diverse and much more-expanded body of evidence. This information was reported by human rights groups, the press, congressional committees, the Mexican government, Mexican academic researchers, and even the U.S. Department of Justice. Recorded offenses included beatings, shootings and inappropriate use of firearms, sexual assault, destruction of property, denial of due process, verbal abuse and harassment, inappropriate and illegal searches, substandard detention conditions, and reckless high-speed chases." ''The militarization of the US-Mexico Border'' by Timothy J. Dunn. <br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July, 2003<br />
©1996-2012 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Immigration_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10905
Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T21:01:17Z
<p>Hannahec: /* BorderLinks */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Mennonite Church USA]] has roots in seventeenth-century churches planted by immigrants from Europe. Our church continues to grow and be enlivened by immigrants who join us from many countries. As Christians, we believe we are called to welcome these sojourners in our congregations and communities, especially as our government creates increasingly harsh immigration laws in the name of fighting terrorism. Assumptions about identity make some people more vulnerable to political biases and discrimination than others. Our concerns about the status of immigrants in this country relate to how people are treated based on race, nationality, ethnicity, and religious identity. We reject our country's mistreatment of immigrants, repent of our silence, and commit ourselves to act with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters, regardless of their legal status.<br />
<br />
==Biblical Background==<br />
The Bible offers us some valuable insights about welcoming strangers, and in our context immigrants are viewed as strangers. "When a stranger sojourns with you in your land, you shall not do [the stranger] wrong. The stranger who sojourns with you shall be to you as the native among you, and you shall love [the stranger] as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt..." (Leviticus 19:33, 34). We affirm that God has called us to welcome immigrants, because all of us are sojourners (Exodus 23:9, Deuteronomy 24:17, 18). We believe that when we welcome strangers, we welcome Jesus (Matthew 25:35).<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in the United States==<br />
We may not realize it, but our nation depends economically and culturally on the contributions of immigrants. Immigrant entrepreneurs, professionals, and artists contribute to the United States' wealth and diverse culture. Immigrant laborers often work the least desirable jobs.<br />
<br />
For many immigrants, however, the opportunities of living in the United States are offset by hardship and discrimination. They work the most difficult and dangerous jobs for the lowest pay, and immigrants without documents are frequently cheated out of wages and denied compensation for work-related injuries. Unfair immigration policies make it difficult to travel across borders, unjust quota systems discriminate against citizens from some countries, and families are divided by long delays in document processing. Immigrants in poverty are denied most welfare and healthcare benefits. Because our society tells us to fear some immigrants more than others, an increasingly militarized U.S./Mexico border has led to reports of abuse by border guards and hundreds of deaths in the desert.a<br />
<br />
Since September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration, with the support of others in the government, has issued new policies and enforced old laws that strike fear in the hearts of immigrant communities, creating the perception that any contact with government officials or social service agencies might result in arrest or deportation. Middle Eastern males across the United States are being forced to register and are deported if their papers are not in order. Haitians and other Caribbean peoples arriving by boat are being detained without regard for their civil rights and deported even when they have credible fear of persecution at home. The new Department of Homeland Security, whose stated mission is to guard the nation against terrorists, now handles immigration and refugee enforcement and services. Our government's policies lead us to view these strangers as a threat to our safety and economic security.<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in our congregations==<br />
Immigrants "documented and undocumented" are members of many Mennonite Church USA congregations. Immigrant churches face a society whose policies and practices discriminate against immigrants and people of color. Immigrant churches with undocumented members are deeply affected by the poverty and fear experienced by many members of their communities; often churches share the costs of food, shelter, and clothing, assist in job searches, and support families when members are deported. Undocumented church leaders are often unable or afraid to travel to larger church gatherings without identification. Congregations without immigrant members are finding their communities changed by immigration and are struggling with how to respond.<br />
<br />
==Our commitment==<br />
We affirm individuals and churches that are already working against poverty and fear in immigrant communities. We affirm those who are speaking to the government about our nation's unjust immigration policies. We affirm the church's work with anti-racism, while we acknowledge that much more work remains. We also affirm the church's support of agencies that are addressing the roots of international inequality, which cause people to emigrate. However, we understand that because the United States controls more material resources than any other country, people will continue to immigrate here in search of economic and political stability. Because of our nation's abundance, because God has called us to welcome the sojourner, and because of the richness that immigrants bring to the Mennonite Church USA, we commit ourselves to action with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters.<br />
<br />
''We invite Mennonite Church USA congregations to consider the following actions (resources listed below):''<br />
<br />
1. Build relationships with newcomers in our communities. Facilitate the mutual sharing of immigrants' stories and contributions in our churches and neighborhoods. <br><br />
<br />
2. Plan congregational learning tours in our communities, including immigrant neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces, as well as government offices that serve immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
3. Partner with immigrant congregations to plan church services or community events. <br><br />
<br />
4. Offer church facilities and volunteers for documentation services, English classes, ethnic celebrations, or other outreach programs. <br><br />
<br />
5. Engage in mutual aid to offer food, shelter, clothing, and other resources to undocumented and documented immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
6. Learn about issues affecting immigrants by reading newspapers or magazines, joining national immigration rights organizations, or contacting church agencies that work with immigration issues. <br><br />
<br />
7. Join study tours to the U.S./Mexico border, refugee camps, or detention centers to learn more about U.S. immigration and refugee policies. <br><br />
<br />
8. Advocate for just and humane policies for immigrants and refugees by contacting local, state, and national elected officials.<br><br />
<br />
==These groups helped write and support this resolution:==<br />
* Iglesia Menonita Hispana: Marco Guete, moderator; and Juan Montes, direcor<br />
* MCC US: Jose Ortiz, executive director; Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, immigration education and advocacy director; Bethany Spicher, Washington Office legislative assistant for domestic affairs; Felipe Hinojosa, MCC Central States staff associate<br />
* Executive Board Office of Cross Cultural Relations, Kenyetta Aduma, director<br />
* Executive Board Directors Office, Susan Mark Landis, peace advocate<br />
* Pacific Southwest Conference, Jeff Wright, conference minister, southern California<br />
* PSMC/CAL Mission Team and the PSMC Pastoral Leadership Committee<br />
* MultiEthnic Ministries, Mennonite Mission Network: Kuaying Teng, minister<br />
* Mission Association Center for Anabaptist Leadership: Rev. Femi Fatunmbi<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Executive Board Executive Board<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Constituency Leaders Council<br />
==Resources:==<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Immigration Office===<br />
Offers two packets: "Welcoming the Newcomer: Doing Advocacy with Immigrants," for general immigration information, and "Immigration Information Packet" about the basics of immigration law. Conducts periodic workshops on documentation, citizenship, the responsibilities of immigrant sponsors, the rights of battered immigrant women and children, and the rights of workers in employment raids. Contact Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, (717) 859-1151, rjy@mcc.org, http://www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office===<br />
Offers a primer on immigration advocacy. Contact Bethany Spicher, (202) 544-6564, bspicher@mcc.org, http//www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Resource Catalog===<br />
Includes various immigration-related videos with study guides, packets, and posters<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Web site===<br />
"Love in Action" page includes suggestions for hands-on assistance, education, and advocacy http://www.mcc.org/themes/us-immigration/index.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===New Bridges Immigrant Resource Center===<br />
Hosts community immigration learning tours in Harrisonburg, Va. Contact Susannah Gerber Lepley, (540) 438-8295, newbridges1@aol.com<br />
<br />
===BorderLinks===<br />
A non-profit organization that conducts travel seminars focusing on the issues of Mexican border communities. Contact Katie Hudak, (520) 628-8263, Katie@borderlinks.org, [http://www.borderlinks.org www.borderlinks.org]<br />
<br />
===Third Way Café===<br />
A collection of insightful interviews with a variety of immigrants and church workers who work with immigrants http://www.thirdway.com/btn/?Topic=Immigration<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Forum===<br />
Advocates and builds public support for public policies that welcome immigrants and refugees. Offers a series of short papers featuring useful statistical and historical information related to immigration. Visit www.immigrationforum.org<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Law Center===<br />
Specializes in immigration law, immigrant employment and public benefits rights of immigrants. Provides publications, technical advice and trainings on immigration. Visit [http://www.nilc.org www.nilc.org].<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
aThe Mexico Foreign Relations Office records 1870 deaths from 1995-2001. (There are no statistics for Arizona or Texas until 1996. The U.S. Border Patrol did not begin keeping comprehensive migrant death statistics until FY 1998.)<br />
<br />
"However, during the Bush Administration a fairly systematic pattern of increased rights abuses on the part of Border Patrol and other INS agents emerged more plainly from a diverse and much more-expanded body of evidence. This information was reported by human rights groups, the press, congressional committees, the Mexican government, Mexican academic researchers, and even the U.S. Department of Justice. Recorded offenses included beatings, shootings and inappropriate use of firearms, sexual assault, destruction of property, denial of due process, verbal abuse and harassment, inappropriate and illegal searches, substandard detention conditions, and reckless high-speed chases." The militarization of the US-Mexico Border by Timothy J. Dunn. <br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July, 2003<br />
©1996-2012 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Immigration_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10904
Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T21:00:58Z
<p>Hannahec: /* BorderLinks */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Mennonite Church USA]] has roots in seventeenth-century churches planted by immigrants from Europe. Our church continues to grow and be enlivened by immigrants who join us from many countries. As Christians, we believe we are called to welcome these sojourners in our congregations and communities, especially as our government creates increasingly harsh immigration laws in the name of fighting terrorism. Assumptions about identity make some people more vulnerable to political biases and discrimination than others. Our concerns about the status of immigrants in this country relate to how people are treated based on race, nationality, ethnicity, and religious identity. We reject our country's mistreatment of immigrants, repent of our silence, and commit ourselves to act with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters, regardless of their legal status.<br />
<br />
==Biblical Background==<br />
The Bible offers us some valuable insights about welcoming strangers, and in our context immigrants are viewed as strangers. "When a stranger sojourns with you in your land, you shall not do [the stranger] wrong. The stranger who sojourns with you shall be to you as the native among you, and you shall love [the stranger] as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt..." (Leviticus 19:33, 34). We affirm that God has called us to welcome immigrants, because all of us are sojourners (Exodus 23:9, Deuteronomy 24:17, 18). We believe that when we welcome strangers, we welcome Jesus (Matthew 25:35).<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in the United States==<br />
We may not realize it, but our nation depends economically and culturally on the contributions of immigrants. Immigrant entrepreneurs, professionals, and artists contribute to the United States' wealth and diverse culture. Immigrant laborers often work the least desirable jobs.<br />
<br />
For many immigrants, however, the opportunities of living in the United States are offset by hardship and discrimination. They work the most difficult and dangerous jobs for the lowest pay, and immigrants without documents are frequently cheated out of wages and denied compensation for work-related injuries. Unfair immigration policies make it difficult to travel across borders, unjust quota systems discriminate against citizens from some countries, and families are divided by long delays in document processing. Immigrants in poverty are denied most welfare and healthcare benefits. Because our society tells us to fear some immigrants more than others, an increasingly militarized U.S./Mexico border has led to reports of abuse by border guards and hundreds of deaths in the desert.a<br />
<br />
Since September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration, with the support of others in the government, has issued new policies and enforced old laws that strike fear in the hearts of immigrant communities, creating the perception that any contact with government officials or social service agencies might result in arrest or deportation. Middle Eastern males across the United States are being forced to register and are deported if their papers are not in order. Haitians and other Caribbean peoples arriving by boat are being detained without regard for their civil rights and deported even when they have credible fear of persecution at home. The new Department of Homeland Security, whose stated mission is to guard the nation against terrorists, now handles immigration and refugee enforcement and services. Our government's policies lead us to view these strangers as a threat to our safety and economic security.<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in our congregations==<br />
Immigrants "documented and undocumented" are members of many Mennonite Church USA congregations. Immigrant churches face a society whose policies and practices discriminate against immigrants and people of color. Immigrant churches with undocumented members are deeply affected by the poverty and fear experienced by many members of their communities; often churches share the costs of food, shelter, and clothing, assist in job searches, and support families when members are deported. Undocumented church leaders are often unable or afraid to travel to larger church gatherings without identification. Congregations without immigrant members are finding their communities changed by immigration and are struggling with how to respond.<br />
<br />
==Our commitment==<br />
We affirm individuals and churches that are already working against poverty and fear in immigrant communities. We affirm those who are speaking to the government about our nation's unjust immigration policies. We affirm the church's work with anti-racism, while we acknowledge that much more work remains. We also affirm the church's support of agencies that are addressing the roots of international inequality, which cause people to emigrate. However, we understand that because the United States controls more material resources than any other country, people will continue to immigrate here in search of economic and political stability. Because of our nation's abundance, because God has called us to welcome the sojourner, and because of the richness that immigrants bring to the Mennonite Church USA, we commit ourselves to action with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters.<br />
<br />
''We invite Mennonite Church USA congregations to consider the following actions (resources listed below):''<br />
<br />
1. Build relationships with newcomers in our communities. Facilitate the mutual sharing of immigrants' stories and contributions in our churches and neighborhoods. <br><br />
<br />
2. Plan congregational learning tours in our communities, including immigrant neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces, as well as government offices that serve immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
3. Partner with immigrant congregations to plan church services or community events. <br><br />
<br />
4. Offer church facilities and volunteers for documentation services, English classes, ethnic celebrations, or other outreach programs. <br><br />
<br />
5. Engage in mutual aid to offer food, shelter, clothing, and other resources to undocumented and documented immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
6. Learn about issues affecting immigrants by reading newspapers or magazines, joining national immigration rights organizations, or contacting church agencies that work with immigration issues. <br><br />
<br />
7. Join study tours to the U.S./Mexico border, refugee camps, or detention centers to learn more about U.S. immigration and refugee policies. <br><br />
<br />
8. Advocate for just and humane policies for immigrants and refugees by contacting local, state, and national elected officials.<br><br />
<br />
==These groups helped write and support this resolution:==<br />
* Iglesia Menonita Hispana: Marco Guete, moderator; and Juan Montes, direcor<br />
* MCC US: Jose Ortiz, executive director; Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, immigration education and advocacy director; Bethany Spicher, Washington Office legislative assistant for domestic affairs; Felipe Hinojosa, MCC Central States staff associate<br />
* Executive Board Office of Cross Cultural Relations, Kenyetta Aduma, director<br />
* Executive Board Directors Office, Susan Mark Landis, peace advocate<br />
* Pacific Southwest Conference, Jeff Wright, conference minister, southern California<br />
* PSMC/CAL Mission Team and the PSMC Pastoral Leadership Committee<br />
* MultiEthnic Ministries, Mennonite Mission Network: Kuaying Teng, minister<br />
* Mission Association Center for Anabaptist Leadership: Rev. Femi Fatunmbi<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Executive Board Executive Board<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Constituency Leaders Council<br />
==Resources:==<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Immigration Office===<br />
Offers two packets: "Welcoming the Newcomer: Doing Advocacy with Immigrants," for general immigration information, and "Immigration Information Packet" about the basics of immigration law. Conducts periodic workshops on documentation, citizenship, the responsibilities of immigrant sponsors, the rights of battered immigrant women and children, and the rights of workers in employment raids. Contact Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, (717) 859-1151, rjy@mcc.org, http://www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office===<br />
Offers a primer on immigration advocacy. Contact Bethany Spicher, (202) 544-6564, bspicher@mcc.org, http//www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Resource Catalog===<br />
Includes various immigration-related videos with study guides, packets, and posters<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Web site===<br />
"Love in Action" page includes suggestions for hands-on assistance, education, and advocacy http://www.mcc.org/themes/us-immigration/index.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===New Bridges Immigrant Resource Center===<br />
Hosts community immigration learning tours in Harrisonburg, Va. Contact Susannah Gerber Lepley, (540) 438-8295, newbridges1@aol.com<br />
<br />
===BorderLinks===<br />
A non-profit organization that conducts travel seminars focusing on the issues of Mexican border communities. Contact Katie Hudak, (520) 628-8263, Katie@borderlinks.org, [www.borderlinks.org www.borderlinks.org]<br />
<br />
===Third Way Café===<br />
A collection of insightful interviews with a variety of immigrants and church workers who work with immigrants http://www.thirdway.com/btn/?Topic=Immigration<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Forum===<br />
Advocates and builds public support for public policies that welcome immigrants and refugees. Offers a series of short papers featuring useful statistical and historical information related to immigration. Visit www.immigrationforum.org<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Law Center===<br />
Specializes in immigration law, immigrant employment and public benefits rights of immigrants. Provides publications, technical advice and trainings on immigration. Visit [http://www.nilc.org www.nilc.org].<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
aThe Mexico Foreign Relations Office records 1870 deaths from 1995-2001. (There are no statistics for Arizona or Texas until 1996. The U.S. Border Patrol did not begin keeping comprehensive migrant death statistics until FY 1998.)<br />
<br />
"However, during the Bush Administration a fairly systematic pattern of increased rights abuses on the part of Border Patrol and other INS agents emerged more plainly from a diverse and much more-expanded body of evidence. This information was reported by human rights groups, the press, congressional committees, the Mexican government, Mexican academic researchers, and even the U.S. Department of Justice. Recorded offenses included beatings, shootings and inappropriate use of firearms, sexual assault, destruction of property, denial of due process, verbal abuse and harassment, inappropriate and illegal searches, substandard detention conditions, and reckless high-speed chases." The militarization of the US-Mexico Border by Timothy J. Dunn. <br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July, 2003<br />
©1996-2012 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Immigration_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10903
Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T21:00:43Z
<p>Hannahec: /* National Immigration Law Center */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Mennonite Church USA]] has roots in seventeenth-century churches planted by immigrants from Europe. Our church continues to grow and be enlivened by immigrants who join us from many countries. As Christians, we believe we are called to welcome these sojourners in our congregations and communities, especially as our government creates increasingly harsh immigration laws in the name of fighting terrorism. Assumptions about identity make some people more vulnerable to political biases and discrimination than others. Our concerns about the status of immigrants in this country relate to how people are treated based on race, nationality, ethnicity, and religious identity. We reject our country's mistreatment of immigrants, repent of our silence, and commit ourselves to act with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters, regardless of their legal status.<br />
<br />
==Biblical Background==<br />
The Bible offers us some valuable insights about welcoming strangers, and in our context immigrants are viewed as strangers. "When a stranger sojourns with you in your land, you shall not do [the stranger] wrong. The stranger who sojourns with you shall be to you as the native among you, and you shall love [the stranger] as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt..." (Leviticus 19:33, 34). We affirm that God has called us to welcome immigrants, because all of us are sojourners (Exodus 23:9, Deuteronomy 24:17, 18). We believe that when we welcome strangers, we welcome Jesus (Matthew 25:35).<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in the United States==<br />
We may not realize it, but our nation depends economically and culturally on the contributions of immigrants. Immigrant entrepreneurs, professionals, and artists contribute to the United States' wealth and diverse culture. Immigrant laborers often work the least desirable jobs.<br />
<br />
For many immigrants, however, the opportunities of living in the United States are offset by hardship and discrimination. They work the most difficult and dangerous jobs for the lowest pay, and immigrants without documents are frequently cheated out of wages and denied compensation for work-related injuries. Unfair immigration policies make it difficult to travel across borders, unjust quota systems discriminate against citizens from some countries, and families are divided by long delays in document processing. Immigrants in poverty are denied most welfare and healthcare benefits. Because our society tells us to fear some immigrants more than others, an increasingly militarized U.S./Mexico border has led to reports of abuse by border guards and hundreds of deaths in the desert.a<br />
<br />
Since September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration, with the support of others in the government, has issued new policies and enforced old laws that strike fear in the hearts of immigrant communities, creating the perception that any contact with government officials or social service agencies might result in arrest or deportation. Middle Eastern males across the United States are being forced to register and are deported if their papers are not in order. Haitians and other Caribbean peoples arriving by boat are being detained without regard for their civil rights and deported even when they have credible fear of persecution at home. The new Department of Homeland Security, whose stated mission is to guard the nation against terrorists, now handles immigration and refugee enforcement and services. Our government's policies lead us to view these strangers as a threat to our safety and economic security.<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in our congregations==<br />
Immigrants "documented and undocumented" are members of many Mennonite Church USA congregations. Immigrant churches face a society whose policies and practices discriminate against immigrants and people of color. Immigrant churches with undocumented members are deeply affected by the poverty and fear experienced by many members of their communities; often churches share the costs of food, shelter, and clothing, assist in job searches, and support families when members are deported. Undocumented church leaders are often unable or afraid to travel to larger church gatherings without identification. Congregations without immigrant members are finding their communities changed by immigration and are struggling with how to respond.<br />
<br />
==Our commitment==<br />
We affirm individuals and churches that are already working against poverty and fear in immigrant communities. We affirm those who are speaking to the government about our nation's unjust immigration policies. We affirm the church's work with anti-racism, while we acknowledge that much more work remains. We also affirm the church's support of agencies that are addressing the roots of international inequality, which cause people to emigrate. However, we understand that because the United States controls more material resources than any other country, people will continue to immigrate here in search of economic and political stability. Because of our nation's abundance, because God has called us to welcome the sojourner, and because of the richness that immigrants bring to the Mennonite Church USA, we commit ourselves to action with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters.<br />
<br />
''We invite Mennonite Church USA congregations to consider the following actions (resources listed below):''<br />
<br />
1. Build relationships with newcomers in our communities. Facilitate the mutual sharing of immigrants' stories and contributions in our churches and neighborhoods. <br><br />
<br />
2. Plan congregational learning tours in our communities, including immigrant neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces, as well as government offices that serve immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
3. Partner with immigrant congregations to plan church services or community events. <br><br />
<br />
4. Offer church facilities and volunteers for documentation services, English classes, ethnic celebrations, or other outreach programs. <br><br />
<br />
5. Engage in mutual aid to offer food, shelter, clothing, and other resources to undocumented and documented immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
6. Learn about issues affecting immigrants by reading newspapers or magazines, joining national immigration rights organizations, or contacting church agencies that work with immigration issues. <br><br />
<br />
7. Join study tours to the U.S./Mexico border, refugee camps, or detention centers to learn more about U.S. immigration and refugee policies. <br><br />
<br />
8. Advocate for just and humane policies for immigrants and refugees by contacting local, state, and national elected officials.<br><br />
<br />
==These groups helped write and support this resolution:==<br />
* Iglesia Menonita Hispana: Marco Guete, moderator; and Juan Montes, direcor<br />
* MCC US: Jose Ortiz, executive director; Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, immigration education and advocacy director; Bethany Spicher, Washington Office legislative assistant for domestic affairs; Felipe Hinojosa, MCC Central States staff associate<br />
* Executive Board Office of Cross Cultural Relations, Kenyetta Aduma, director<br />
* Executive Board Directors Office, Susan Mark Landis, peace advocate<br />
* Pacific Southwest Conference, Jeff Wright, conference minister, southern California<br />
* PSMC/CAL Mission Team and the PSMC Pastoral Leadership Committee<br />
* MultiEthnic Ministries, Mennonite Mission Network: Kuaying Teng, minister<br />
* Mission Association Center for Anabaptist Leadership: Rev. Femi Fatunmbi<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Executive Board Executive Board<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Constituency Leaders Council<br />
==Resources:==<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Immigration Office===<br />
Offers two packets: "Welcoming the Newcomer: Doing Advocacy with Immigrants," for general immigration information, and "Immigration Information Packet" about the basics of immigration law. Conducts periodic workshops on documentation, citizenship, the responsibilities of immigrant sponsors, the rights of battered immigrant women and children, and the rights of workers in employment raids. Contact Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, (717) 859-1151, rjy@mcc.org, http://www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office===<br />
Offers a primer on immigration advocacy. Contact Bethany Spicher, (202) 544-6564, bspicher@mcc.org, http//www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Resource Catalog===<br />
Includes various immigration-related videos with study guides, packets, and posters<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Web site===<br />
"Love in Action" page includes suggestions for hands-on assistance, education, and advocacy http://www.mcc.org/themes/us-immigration/index.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===New Bridges Immigrant Resource Center===<br />
Hosts community immigration learning tours in Harrisonburg, Va. Contact Susannah Gerber Lepley, (540) 438-8295, newbridges1@aol.com<br />
<br />
===BorderLinks===<br />
A non-profit organization that conducts travel seminars focusing on the issues of Mexican border communities. Contact Katie Hudak, (520) 628-8263, Katie@borderlinks.org, www.borderlinks.org<br />
<br />
===Third Way Café===<br />
A collection of insightful interviews with a variety of immigrants and church workers who work with immigrants http://www.thirdway.com/btn/?Topic=Immigration<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Forum===<br />
Advocates and builds public support for public policies that welcome immigrants and refugees. Offers a series of short papers featuring useful statistical and historical information related to immigration. Visit www.immigrationforum.org<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Law Center===<br />
Specializes in immigration law, immigrant employment and public benefits rights of immigrants. Provides publications, technical advice and trainings on immigration. Visit [http://www.nilc.org www.nilc.org].<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
aThe Mexico Foreign Relations Office records 1870 deaths from 1995-2001. (There are no statistics for Arizona or Texas until 1996. The U.S. Border Patrol did not begin keeping comprehensive migrant death statistics until FY 1998.)<br />
<br />
"However, during the Bush Administration a fairly systematic pattern of increased rights abuses on the part of Border Patrol and other INS agents emerged more plainly from a diverse and much more-expanded body of evidence. This information was reported by human rights groups, the press, congressional committees, the Mexican government, Mexican academic researchers, and even the U.S. Department of Justice. Recorded offenses included beatings, shootings and inappropriate use of firearms, sexual assault, destruction of property, denial of due process, verbal abuse and harassment, inappropriate and illegal searches, substandard detention conditions, and reckless high-speed chases." The militarization of the US-Mexico Border by Timothy J. Dunn. <br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July, 2003<br />
©1996-2012 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Immigration_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10902
Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T21:00:06Z
<p>Hannahec: /* National Immigration Law Center */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Mennonite Church USA]] has roots in seventeenth-century churches planted by immigrants from Europe. Our church continues to grow and be enlivened by immigrants who join us from many countries. As Christians, we believe we are called to welcome these sojourners in our congregations and communities, especially as our government creates increasingly harsh immigration laws in the name of fighting terrorism. Assumptions about identity make some people more vulnerable to political biases and discrimination than others. Our concerns about the status of immigrants in this country relate to how people are treated based on race, nationality, ethnicity, and religious identity. We reject our country's mistreatment of immigrants, repent of our silence, and commit ourselves to act with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters, regardless of their legal status.<br />
<br />
==Biblical Background==<br />
The Bible offers us some valuable insights about welcoming strangers, and in our context immigrants are viewed as strangers. "When a stranger sojourns with you in your land, you shall not do [the stranger] wrong. The stranger who sojourns with you shall be to you as the native among you, and you shall love [the stranger] as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt..." (Leviticus 19:33, 34). We affirm that God has called us to welcome immigrants, because all of us are sojourners (Exodus 23:9, Deuteronomy 24:17, 18). We believe that when we welcome strangers, we welcome Jesus (Matthew 25:35).<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in the United States==<br />
We may not realize it, but our nation depends economically and culturally on the contributions of immigrants. Immigrant entrepreneurs, professionals, and artists contribute to the United States' wealth and diverse culture. Immigrant laborers often work the least desirable jobs.<br />
<br />
For many immigrants, however, the opportunities of living in the United States are offset by hardship and discrimination. They work the most difficult and dangerous jobs for the lowest pay, and immigrants without documents are frequently cheated out of wages and denied compensation for work-related injuries. Unfair immigration policies make it difficult to travel across borders, unjust quota systems discriminate against citizens from some countries, and families are divided by long delays in document processing. Immigrants in poverty are denied most welfare and healthcare benefits. Because our society tells us to fear some immigrants more than others, an increasingly militarized U.S./Mexico border has led to reports of abuse by border guards and hundreds of deaths in the desert.a<br />
<br />
Since September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration, with the support of others in the government, has issued new policies and enforced old laws that strike fear in the hearts of immigrant communities, creating the perception that any contact with government officials or social service agencies might result in arrest or deportation. Middle Eastern males across the United States are being forced to register and are deported if their papers are not in order. Haitians and other Caribbean peoples arriving by boat are being detained without regard for their civil rights and deported even when they have credible fear of persecution at home. The new Department of Homeland Security, whose stated mission is to guard the nation against terrorists, now handles immigration and refugee enforcement and services. Our government's policies lead us to view these strangers as a threat to our safety and economic security.<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in our congregations==<br />
Immigrants "documented and undocumented" are members of many Mennonite Church USA congregations. Immigrant churches face a society whose policies and practices discriminate against immigrants and people of color. Immigrant churches with undocumented members are deeply affected by the poverty and fear experienced by many members of their communities; often churches share the costs of food, shelter, and clothing, assist in job searches, and support families when members are deported. Undocumented church leaders are often unable or afraid to travel to larger church gatherings without identification. Congregations without immigrant members are finding their communities changed by immigration and are struggling with how to respond.<br />
<br />
==Our commitment==<br />
We affirm individuals and churches that are already working against poverty and fear in immigrant communities. We affirm those who are speaking to the government about our nation's unjust immigration policies. We affirm the church's work with anti-racism, while we acknowledge that much more work remains. We also affirm the church's support of agencies that are addressing the roots of international inequality, which cause people to emigrate. However, we understand that because the United States controls more material resources than any other country, people will continue to immigrate here in search of economic and political stability. Because of our nation's abundance, because God has called us to welcome the sojourner, and because of the richness that immigrants bring to the Mennonite Church USA, we commit ourselves to action with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters.<br />
<br />
''We invite Mennonite Church USA congregations to consider the following actions (resources listed below):''<br />
<br />
1. Build relationships with newcomers in our communities. Facilitate the mutual sharing of immigrants' stories and contributions in our churches and neighborhoods. <br><br />
<br />
2. Plan congregational learning tours in our communities, including immigrant neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces, as well as government offices that serve immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
3. Partner with immigrant congregations to plan church services or community events. <br><br />
<br />
4. Offer church facilities and volunteers for documentation services, English classes, ethnic celebrations, or other outreach programs. <br><br />
<br />
5. Engage in mutual aid to offer food, shelter, clothing, and other resources to undocumented and documented immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
6. Learn about issues affecting immigrants by reading newspapers or magazines, joining national immigration rights organizations, or contacting church agencies that work with immigration issues. <br><br />
<br />
7. Join study tours to the U.S./Mexico border, refugee camps, or detention centers to learn more about U.S. immigration and refugee policies. <br><br />
<br />
8. Advocate for just and humane policies for immigrants and refugees by contacting local, state, and national elected officials.<br><br />
<br />
==These groups helped write and support this resolution:==<br />
* Iglesia Menonita Hispana: Marco Guete, moderator; and Juan Montes, direcor<br />
* MCC US: Jose Ortiz, executive director; Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, immigration education and advocacy director; Bethany Spicher, Washington Office legislative assistant for domestic affairs; Felipe Hinojosa, MCC Central States staff associate<br />
* Executive Board Office of Cross Cultural Relations, Kenyetta Aduma, director<br />
* Executive Board Directors Office, Susan Mark Landis, peace advocate<br />
* Pacific Southwest Conference, Jeff Wright, conference minister, southern California<br />
* PSMC/CAL Mission Team and the PSMC Pastoral Leadership Committee<br />
* MultiEthnic Ministries, Mennonite Mission Network: Kuaying Teng, minister<br />
* Mission Association Center for Anabaptist Leadership: Rev. Femi Fatunmbi<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Executive Board Executive Board<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Constituency Leaders Council<br />
==Resources:==<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Immigration Office===<br />
Offers two packets: "Welcoming the Newcomer: Doing Advocacy with Immigrants," for general immigration information, and "Immigration Information Packet" about the basics of immigration law. Conducts periodic workshops on documentation, citizenship, the responsibilities of immigrant sponsors, the rights of battered immigrant women and children, and the rights of workers in employment raids. Contact Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, (717) 859-1151, rjy@mcc.org, http://www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office===<br />
Offers a primer on immigration advocacy. Contact Bethany Spicher, (202) 544-6564, bspicher@mcc.org, http//www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Resource Catalog===<br />
Includes various immigration-related videos with study guides, packets, and posters<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Web site===<br />
"Love in Action" page includes suggestions for hands-on assistance, education, and advocacy http://www.mcc.org/themes/us-immigration/index.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===New Bridges Immigrant Resource Center===<br />
Hosts community immigration learning tours in Harrisonburg, Va. Contact Susannah Gerber Lepley, (540) 438-8295, newbridges1@aol.com<br />
<br />
===BorderLinks===<br />
A non-profit organization that conducts travel seminars focusing on the issues of Mexican border communities. Contact Katie Hudak, (520) 628-8263, Katie@borderlinks.org, www.borderlinks.org<br />
<br />
===Third Way Café===<br />
A collection of insightful interviews with a variety of immigrants and church workers who work with immigrants http://www.thirdway.com/btn/?Topic=Immigration<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Forum===<br />
Advocates and builds public support for public policies that welcome immigrants and refugees. Offers a series of short papers featuring useful statistical and historical information related to immigration. Visit www.immigrationforum.org<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Law Center===<br />
Specializes in immigration law, immigrant employment and public benefits rights of immigrants. Provides publications, technical advice and trainings on immigration. Visit [www.nilc.org].<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
aThe Mexico Foreign Relations Office records 1870 deaths from 1995-2001. (There are no statistics for Arizona or Texas until 1996. The U.S. Border Patrol did not begin keeping comprehensive migrant death statistics until FY 1998.)<br />
<br />
"However, during the Bush Administration a fairly systematic pattern of increased rights abuses on the part of Border Patrol and other INS agents emerged more plainly from a diverse and much more-expanded body of evidence. This information was reported by human rights groups, the press, congressional committees, the Mexican government, Mexican academic researchers, and even the U.S. Department of Justice. Recorded offenses included beatings, shootings and inappropriate use of firearms, sexual assault, destruction of property, denial of due process, verbal abuse and harassment, inappropriate and illegal searches, substandard detention conditions, and reckless high-speed chases." The militarization of the US-Mexico Border by Timothy J. Dunn. <br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July, 2003<br />
©1996-2012 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Immigration_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10901
Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T20:57:48Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office */</p>
<hr />
<div>[[Mennonite Church USA]] has roots in seventeenth-century churches planted by immigrants from Europe. Our church continues to grow and be enlivened by immigrants who join us from many countries. As Christians, we believe we are called to welcome these sojourners in our congregations and communities, especially as our government creates increasingly harsh immigration laws in the name of fighting terrorism. Assumptions about identity make some people more vulnerable to political biases and discrimination than others. Our concerns about the status of immigrants in this country relate to how people are treated based on race, nationality, ethnicity, and religious identity. We reject our country's mistreatment of immigrants, repent of our silence, and commit ourselves to act with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters, regardless of their legal status.<br />
<br />
==Biblical Background==<br />
The Bible offers us some valuable insights about welcoming strangers, and in our context immigrants are viewed as strangers. "When a stranger sojourns with you in your land, you shall not do [the stranger] wrong. The stranger who sojourns with you shall be to you as the native among you, and you shall love [the stranger] as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt..." (Leviticus 19:33, 34). We affirm that God has called us to welcome immigrants, because all of us are sojourners (Exodus 23:9, Deuteronomy 24:17, 18). We believe that when we welcome strangers, we welcome Jesus (Matthew 25:35).<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in the United States==<br />
We may not realize it, but our nation depends economically and culturally on the contributions of immigrants. Immigrant entrepreneurs, professionals, and artists contribute to the United States' wealth and diverse culture. Immigrant laborers often work the least desirable jobs.<br />
<br />
For many immigrants, however, the opportunities of living in the United States are offset by hardship and discrimination. They work the most difficult and dangerous jobs for the lowest pay, and immigrants without documents are frequently cheated out of wages and denied compensation for work-related injuries. Unfair immigration policies make it difficult to travel across borders, unjust quota systems discriminate against citizens from some countries, and families are divided by long delays in document processing. Immigrants in poverty are denied most welfare and healthcare benefits. Because our society tells us to fear some immigrants more than others, an increasingly militarized U.S./Mexico border has led to reports of abuse by border guards and hundreds of deaths in the desert.a<br />
<br />
Since September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration, with the support of others in the government, has issued new policies and enforced old laws that strike fear in the hearts of immigrant communities, creating the perception that any contact with government officials or social service agencies might result in arrest or deportation. Middle Eastern males across the United States are being forced to register and are deported if their papers are not in order. Haitians and other Caribbean peoples arriving by boat are being detained without regard for their civil rights and deported even when they have credible fear of persecution at home. The new Department of Homeland Security, whose stated mission is to guard the nation against terrorists, now handles immigration and refugee enforcement and services. Our government's policies lead us to view these strangers as a threat to our safety and economic security.<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in our congregations==<br />
Immigrants "documented and undocumented" are members of many Mennonite Church USA congregations. Immigrant churches face a society whose policies and practices discriminate against immigrants and people of color. Immigrant churches with undocumented members are deeply affected by the poverty and fear experienced by many members of their communities; often churches share the costs of food, shelter, and clothing, assist in job searches, and support families when members are deported. Undocumented church leaders are often unable or afraid to travel to larger church gatherings without identification. Congregations without immigrant members are finding their communities changed by immigration and are struggling with how to respond.<br />
<br />
==Our commitment==<br />
We affirm individuals and churches that are already working against poverty and fear in immigrant communities. We affirm those who are speaking to the government about our nation's unjust immigration policies. We affirm the church's work with anti-racism, while we acknowledge that much more work remains. We also affirm the church's support of agencies that are addressing the roots of international inequality, which cause people to emigrate. However, we understand that because the United States controls more material resources than any other country, people will continue to immigrate here in search of economic and political stability. Because of our nation's abundance, because God has called us to welcome the sojourner, and because of the richness that immigrants bring to the Mennonite Church USA, we commit ourselves to action with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters.<br />
<br />
''We invite Mennonite Church USA congregations to consider the following actions (resources listed below):''<br />
<br />
1. Build relationships with newcomers in our communities. Facilitate the mutual sharing of immigrants' stories and contributions in our churches and neighborhoods. <br><br />
<br />
2. Plan congregational learning tours in our communities, including immigrant neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces, as well as government offices that serve immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
3. Partner with immigrant congregations to plan church services or community events. <br><br />
<br />
4. Offer church facilities and volunteers for documentation services, English classes, ethnic celebrations, or other outreach programs. <br><br />
<br />
5. Engage in mutual aid to offer food, shelter, clothing, and other resources to undocumented and documented immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
6. Learn about issues affecting immigrants by reading newspapers or magazines, joining national immigration rights organizations, or contacting church agencies that work with immigration issues. <br><br />
<br />
7. Join study tours to the U.S./Mexico border, refugee camps, or detention centers to learn more about U.S. immigration and refugee policies. <br><br />
<br />
8. Advocate for just and humane policies for immigrants and refugees by contacting local, state, and national elected officials.<br><br />
<br />
==These groups helped write and support this resolution:==<br />
* Iglesia Menonita Hispana: Marco Guete, moderator; and Juan Montes, direcor<br />
* MCC US: Jose Ortiz, executive director; Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, immigration education and advocacy director; Bethany Spicher, Washington Office legislative assistant for domestic affairs; Felipe Hinojosa, MCC Central States staff associate<br />
* Executive Board Office of Cross Cultural Relations, Kenyetta Aduma, director<br />
* Executive Board Directors Office, Susan Mark Landis, peace advocate<br />
* Pacific Southwest Conference, Jeff Wright, conference minister, southern California<br />
* PSMC/CAL Mission Team and the PSMC Pastoral Leadership Committee<br />
* MultiEthnic Ministries, Mennonite Mission Network: Kuaying Teng, minister<br />
* Mission Association Center for Anabaptist Leadership: Rev. Femi Fatunmbi<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Executive Board Executive Board<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Constituency Leaders Council<br />
==Resources:==<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Immigration Office===<br />
Offers two packets: "Welcoming the Newcomer: Doing Advocacy with Immigrants," for general immigration information, and "Immigration Information Packet" about the basics of immigration law. Conducts periodic workshops on documentation, citizenship, the responsibilities of immigrant sponsors, the rights of battered immigrant women and children, and the rights of workers in employment raids. Contact Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, (717) 859-1151, rjy@mcc.org, http://www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office===<br />
Offers a primer on immigration advocacy. Contact Bethany Spicher, (202) 544-6564, bspicher@mcc.org, http//www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Resource Catalog===<br />
Includes various immigration-related videos with study guides, packets, and posters<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Web site===<br />
"Love in Action" page includes suggestions for hands-on assistance, education, and advocacy http://www.mcc.org/themes/us-immigration/index.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===New Bridges Immigrant Resource Center===<br />
Hosts community immigration learning tours in Harrisonburg, Va. Contact Susannah Gerber Lepley, (540) 438-8295, newbridges1@aol.com<br />
<br />
===BorderLinks===<br />
A non-profit organization that conducts travel seminars focusing on the issues of Mexican border communities. Contact Katie Hudak, (520) 628-8263, Katie@borderlinks.org, www.borderlinks.org<br />
<br />
===Third Way Café===<br />
A collection of insightful interviews with a variety of immigrants and church workers who work with immigrants http://www.thirdway.com/btn/?Topic=Immigration<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Forum===<br />
Advocates and builds public support for public policies that welcome immigrants and refugees. Offers a series of short papers featuring useful statistical and historical information related to immigration. Visit www.immigrationforum.org<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Law Center===<br />
Specializes in immigration law, immigrant employment and public benefits rights of immigrants. Provides publications, technical advice and trainings on immigration. Visit www.nilc.org.<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
aThe Mexico Foreign Relations Office records 1870 deaths from 1995-2001. (There are no statistics for Arizona or Texas until 1996. The U.S. Border Patrol did not begin keeping comprehensive migrant death statistics until FY 1998.)<br />
<br />
"However, during the Bush Administration a fairly systematic pattern of increased rights abuses on the part of Border Patrol and other INS agents emerged more plainly from a diverse and much more-expanded body of evidence. This information was reported by human rights groups, the press, congressional committees, the Mexican government, Mexican academic researchers, and even the U.S. Department of Justice. Recorded offenses included beatings, shootings and inappropriate use of firearms, sexual assault, destruction of property, denial of due process, verbal abuse and harassment, inappropriate and illegal searches, substandard detention conditions, and reckless high-speed chases." The militarization of the US-Mexico Border by Timothy J. Dunn. [Return to text]<br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July, 2003<br />
©1996-2012 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Immigration_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10900
Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T20:53:28Z
<p>Hannahec: </p>
<hr />
<div>[[Mennonite Church USA]] has roots in seventeenth-century churches planted by immigrants from Europe. Our church continues to grow and be enlivened by immigrants who join us from many countries. As Christians, we believe we are called to welcome these sojourners in our congregations and communities, especially as our government creates increasingly harsh immigration laws in the name of fighting terrorism. Assumptions about identity make some people more vulnerable to political biases and discrimination than others. Our concerns about the status of immigrants in this country relate to how people are treated based on race, nationality, ethnicity, and religious identity. We reject our country's mistreatment of immigrants, repent of our silence, and commit ourselves to act with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters, regardless of their legal status.<br />
<br />
==Biblical Background==<br />
The Bible offers us some valuable insights about welcoming strangers, and in our context immigrants are viewed as strangers. "When a stranger sojourns with you in your land, you shall not do [the stranger] wrong. The stranger who sojourns with you shall be to you as the native among you, and you shall love [the stranger] as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt..." (Leviticus 19:33, 34). We affirm that God has called us to welcome immigrants, because all of us are sojourners (Exodus 23:9, Deuteronomy 24:17, 18). We believe that when we welcome strangers, we welcome Jesus (Matthew 25:35).<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in the United States==<br />
We may not realize it, but our nation depends economically and culturally on the contributions of immigrants. Immigrant entrepreneurs, professionals, and artists contribute to the United States' wealth and diverse culture. Immigrant laborers often work the least desirable jobs.<br />
<br />
For many immigrants, however, the opportunities of living in the United States are offset by hardship and discrimination. They work the most difficult and dangerous jobs for the lowest pay, and immigrants without documents are frequently cheated out of wages and denied compensation for work-related injuries. Unfair immigration policies make it difficult to travel across borders, unjust quota systems discriminate against citizens from some countries, and families are divided by long delays in document processing. Immigrants in poverty are denied most welfare and healthcare benefits. Because our society tells us to fear some immigrants more than others, an increasingly militarized U.S./Mexico border has led to reports of abuse by border guards and hundreds of deaths in the desert.a<br />
<br />
Since September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration, with the support of others in the government, has issued new policies and enforced old laws that strike fear in the hearts of immigrant communities, creating the perception that any contact with government officials or social service agencies might result in arrest or deportation. Middle Eastern males across the United States are being forced to register and are deported if their papers are not in order. Haitians and other Caribbean peoples arriving by boat are being detained without regard for their civil rights and deported even when they have credible fear of persecution at home. The new Department of Homeland Security, whose stated mission is to guard the nation against terrorists, now handles immigration and refugee enforcement and services. Our government's policies lead us to view these strangers as a threat to our safety and economic security.<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in our congregations==<br />
Immigrants "documented and undocumented" are members of many Mennonite Church USA congregations. Immigrant churches face a society whose policies and practices discriminate against immigrants and people of color. Immigrant churches with undocumented members are deeply affected by the poverty and fear experienced by many members of their communities; often churches share the costs of food, shelter, and clothing, assist in job searches, and support families when members are deported. Undocumented church leaders are often unable or afraid to travel to larger church gatherings without identification. Congregations without immigrant members are finding their communities changed by immigration and are struggling with how to respond.<br />
<br />
==Our commitment==<br />
We affirm individuals and churches that are already working against poverty and fear in immigrant communities. We affirm those who are speaking to the government about our nation's unjust immigration policies. We affirm the church's work with anti-racism, while we acknowledge that much more work remains. We also affirm the church's support of agencies that are addressing the roots of international inequality, which cause people to emigrate. However, we understand that because the United States controls more material resources than any other country, people will continue to immigrate here in search of economic and political stability. Because of our nation's abundance, because God has called us to welcome the sojourner, and because of the richness that immigrants bring to the Mennonite Church USA, we commit ourselves to action with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters.<br />
<br />
''We invite Mennonite Church USA congregations to consider the following actions (resources listed below):''<br />
<br />
1. Build relationships with newcomers in our communities. Facilitate the mutual sharing of immigrants' stories and contributions in our churches and neighborhoods. <br><br />
<br />
2. Plan congregational learning tours in our communities, including immigrant neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces, as well as government offices that serve immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
3. Partner with immigrant congregations to plan church services or community events. <br><br />
<br />
4. Offer church facilities and volunteers for documentation services, English classes, ethnic celebrations, or other outreach programs. <br><br />
<br />
5. Engage in mutual aid to offer food, shelter, clothing, and other resources to undocumented and documented immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
6. Learn about issues affecting immigrants by reading newspapers or magazines, joining national immigration rights organizations, or contacting church agencies that work with immigration issues. <br><br />
<br />
7. Join study tours to the U.S./Mexico border, refugee camps, or detention centers to learn more about U.S. immigration and refugee policies. <br><br />
<br />
8. Advocate for just and humane policies for immigrants and refugees by contacting local, state, and national elected officials.<br><br />
<br />
==These groups helped write and support this resolution:==<br />
* Iglesia Menonita Hispana: Marco Guete, moderator; and Juan Montes, direcor<br />
* MCC US: Jose Ortiz, executive director; Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, immigration education and advocacy director; Bethany Spicher, Washington Office legislative assistant for domestic affairs; Felipe Hinojosa, MCC Central States staff associate<br />
* Executive Board Office of Cross Cultural Relations, Kenyetta Aduma, director<br />
* Executive Board Directors Office, Susan Mark Landis, peace advocate<br />
* Pacific Southwest Conference, Jeff Wright, conference minister, southern California<br />
* PSMC/CAL Mission Team and the PSMC Pastoral Leadership Committee<br />
* MultiEthnic Ministries, Mennonite Mission Network: Kuaying Teng, minister<br />
* Mission Association Center for Anabaptist Leadership: Rev. Femi Fatunmbi<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Executive Board Executive Board<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Constituency Leaders Council<br />
==Resources:==<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Immigration Office===<br />
Offers two packets: "Welcoming the Newcomer: Doing Advocacy with Immigrants," for general immigration information, and "Immigration Information Packet" about the basics of immigration law. Conducts periodic workshops on documentation, citizenship, the responsibilities of immigrant sponsors, the rights of battered immigrant women and children, and the rights of workers in employment raids. Contact Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, (717) 859-1151, rjy@mcc.org, http://www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office===<br />
Offers a primer on immigration advocacy. Contact Bethany Spicher, (202) 544-6564, bspicher@mcc.org, http//www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
Mennonite Central Committee Resource Catalog<br />
Includes various immigration-related videos with study guides, packets, and posters<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Web site===<br />
"Love in Action" page includes suggestions for hands-on assistance, education, and advocacy http://www.mcc.org/themes/us-immigration/index.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===New Bridges Immigrant Resource Center===<br />
Hosts community immigration learning tours in Harrisonburg, Va. Contact Susannah Gerber Lepley, (540) 438-8295, newbridges1@aol.com<br />
<br />
===BorderLinks===<br />
A non-profit organization that conducts travel seminars focusing on the issues of Mexican border communities. Contact Katie Hudak, (520) 628-8263, Katie@borderlinks.org, www.borderlinks.org<br />
<br />
===Third Way Café===<br />
A collection of insightful interviews with a variety of immigrants and church workers who work with immigrants http://www.thirdway.com/btn/?Topic=Immigration<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Forum===<br />
Advocates and builds public support for public policies that welcome immigrants and refugees. Offers a series of short papers featuring useful statistical and historical information related to immigration. Visit www.immigrationforum.org<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Law Center===<br />
Specializes in immigration law, immigrant employment and public benefits rights of immigrants. Provides publications, technical advice and trainings on immigration. Visit www.nilc.org.<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
aThe Mexico Foreign Relations Office records 1870 deaths from 1995-2001. (There are no statistics for Arizona or Texas until 1996. The U.S. Border Patrol did not begin keeping comprehensive migrant death statistics until FY 1998.)<br />
<br />
"However, during the Bush Administration a fairly systematic pattern of increased rights abuses on the part of Border Patrol and other INS agents emerged more plainly from a diverse and much more-expanded body of evidence. This information was reported by human rights groups, the press, congressional committees, the Mexican government, Mexican academic researchers, and even the U.S. Department of Justice. Recorded offenses included beatings, shootings and inappropriate use of firearms, sexual assault, destruction of property, denial of due process, verbal abuse and harassment, inappropriate and illegal searches, substandard detention conditions, and reckless high-speed chases." The militarization of the US-Mexico Border by Timothy J. Dunn. [Return to text]<br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July, 2003<br />
©1996-2012 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Immigration_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10899
Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T20:53:13Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Immigrants in our congregations */</p>
<hr />
<div>Mennonite Church USA has roots in seventeenth-century churches planted by immigrants from Europe. Our church continues to grow and be enlivened by immigrants who join us from many countries. As Christians, we believe we are called to welcome these sojourners in our congregations and communities, especially as our government creates increasingly harsh immigration laws in the name of fighting terrorism. Assumptions about identity make some people more vulnerable to political biases and discrimination than others. Our concerns about the status of immigrants in this country relate to how people are treated based on race, nationality, ethnicity, and religious identity. We reject our country's mistreatment of immigrants, repent of our silence, and commit ourselves to act with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters, regardless of their legal status.<br />
<br />
==Biblical Background==<br />
The Bible offers us some valuable insights about welcoming strangers, and in our context immigrants are viewed as strangers. "When a stranger sojourns with you in your land, you shall not do [the stranger] wrong. The stranger who sojourns with you shall be to you as the native among you, and you shall love [the stranger] as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt..." (Leviticus 19:33, 34). We affirm that God has called us to welcome immigrants, because all of us are sojourners (Exodus 23:9, Deuteronomy 24:17, 18). We believe that when we welcome strangers, we welcome Jesus (Matthew 25:35).<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in the United States==<br />
We may not realize it, but our nation depends economically and culturally on the contributions of immigrants. Immigrant entrepreneurs, professionals, and artists contribute to the United States' wealth and diverse culture. Immigrant laborers often work the least desirable jobs.<br />
<br />
For many immigrants, however, the opportunities of living in the United States are offset by hardship and discrimination. They work the most difficult and dangerous jobs for the lowest pay, and immigrants without documents are frequently cheated out of wages and denied compensation for work-related injuries. Unfair immigration policies make it difficult to travel across borders, unjust quota systems discriminate against citizens from some countries, and families are divided by long delays in document processing. Immigrants in poverty are denied most welfare and healthcare benefits. Because our society tells us to fear some immigrants more than others, an increasingly militarized U.S./Mexico border has led to reports of abuse by border guards and hundreds of deaths in the desert.a<br />
<br />
Since September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration, with the support of others in the government, has issued new policies and enforced old laws that strike fear in the hearts of immigrant communities, creating the perception that any contact with government officials or social service agencies might result in arrest or deportation. Middle Eastern males across the United States are being forced to register and are deported if their papers are not in order. Haitians and other Caribbean peoples arriving by boat are being detained without regard for their civil rights and deported even when they have credible fear of persecution at home. The new Department of Homeland Security, whose stated mission is to guard the nation against terrorists, now handles immigration and refugee enforcement and services. Our government's policies lead us to view these strangers as a threat to our safety and economic security.<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in our congregations==<br />
Immigrants "documented and undocumented" are members of many Mennonite Church USA congregations. Immigrant churches face a society whose policies and practices discriminate against immigrants and people of color. Immigrant churches with undocumented members are deeply affected by the poverty and fear experienced by many members of their communities; often churches share the costs of food, shelter, and clothing, assist in job searches, and support families when members are deported. Undocumented church leaders are often unable or afraid to travel to larger church gatherings without identification. Congregations without immigrant members are finding their communities changed by immigration and are struggling with how to respond.<br />
<br />
==Our commitment==<br />
We affirm individuals and churches that are already working against poverty and fear in immigrant communities. We affirm those who are speaking to the government about our nation's unjust immigration policies. We affirm the church's work with anti-racism, while we acknowledge that much more work remains. We also affirm the church's support of agencies that are addressing the roots of international inequality, which cause people to emigrate. However, we understand that because the United States controls more material resources than any other country, people will continue to immigrate here in search of economic and political stability. Because of our nation's abundance, because God has called us to welcome the sojourner, and because of the richness that immigrants bring to the Mennonite Church USA, we commit ourselves to action with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters.<br />
<br />
''We invite Mennonite Church USA congregations to consider the following actions (resources listed below):''<br />
<br />
1. Build relationships with newcomers in our communities. Facilitate the mutual sharing of immigrants' stories and contributions in our churches and neighborhoods. <br><br />
<br />
2. Plan congregational learning tours in our communities, including immigrant neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces, as well as government offices that serve immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
3. Partner with immigrant congregations to plan church services or community events. <br><br />
<br />
4. Offer church facilities and volunteers for documentation services, English classes, ethnic celebrations, or other outreach programs. <br><br />
<br />
5. Engage in mutual aid to offer food, shelter, clothing, and other resources to undocumented and documented immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
6. Learn about issues affecting immigrants by reading newspapers or magazines, joining national immigration rights organizations, or contacting church agencies that work with immigration issues. <br><br />
<br />
7. Join study tours to the U.S./Mexico border, refugee camps, or detention centers to learn more about U.S. immigration and refugee policies. <br><br />
<br />
8. Advocate for just and humane policies for immigrants and refugees by contacting local, state, and national elected officials.<br><br />
<br />
==These groups helped write and support this resolution:==<br />
* Iglesia Menonita Hispana: Marco Guete, moderator; and Juan Montes, direcor<br />
* MCC US: Jose Ortiz, executive director; Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, immigration education and advocacy director; Bethany Spicher, Washington Office legislative assistant for domestic affairs; Felipe Hinojosa, MCC Central States staff associate<br />
* Executive Board Office of Cross Cultural Relations, Kenyetta Aduma, director<br />
* Executive Board Directors Office, Susan Mark Landis, peace advocate<br />
* Pacific Southwest Conference, Jeff Wright, conference minister, southern California<br />
* PSMC/CAL Mission Team and the PSMC Pastoral Leadership Committee<br />
* MultiEthnic Ministries, Mennonite Mission Network: Kuaying Teng, minister<br />
* Mission Association Center for Anabaptist Leadership: Rev. Femi Fatunmbi<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Executive Board Executive Board<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Constituency Leaders Council<br />
==Resources:==<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Immigration Office===<br />
Offers two packets: "Welcoming the Newcomer: Doing Advocacy with Immigrants," for general immigration information, and "Immigration Information Packet" about the basics of immigration law. Conducts periodic workshops on documentation, citizenship, the responsibilities of immigrant sponsors, the rights of battered immigrant women and children, and the rights of workers in employment raids. Contact Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, (717) 859-1151, rjy@mcc.org, http://www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office===<br />
Offers a primer on immigration advocacy. Contact Bethany Spicher, (202) 544-6564, bspicher@mcc.org, http//www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
Mennonite Central Committee Resource Catalog<br />
Includes various immigration-related videos with study guides, packets, and posters<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Web site===<br />
"Love in Action" page includes suggestions for hands-on assistance, education, and advocacy http://www.mcc.org/themes/us-immigration/index.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===New Bridges Immigrant Resource Center===<br />
Hosts community immigration learning tours in Harrisonburg, Va. Contact Susannah Gerber Lepley, (540) 438-8295, newbridges1@aol.com<br />
<br />
===BorderLinks===<br />
A non-profit organization that conducts travel seminars focusing on the issues of Mexican border communities. Contact Katie Hudak, (520) 628-8263, Katie@borderlinks.org, www.borderlinks.org<br />
<br />
===Third Way Café===<br />
A collection of insightful interviews with a variety of immigrants and church workers who work with immigrants http://www.thirdway.com/btn/?Topic=Immigration<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Forum===<br />
Advocates and builds public support for public policies that welcome immigrants and refugees. Offers a series of short papers featuring useful statistical and historical information related to immigration. Visit www.immigrationforum.org<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Law Center===<br />
Specializes in immigration law, immigrant employment and public benefits rights of immigrants. Provides publications, technical advice and trainings on immigration. Visit www.nilc.org.<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
aThe Mexico Foreign Relations Office records 1870 deaths from 1995-2001. (There are no statistics for Arizona or Texas until 1996. The U.S. Border Patrol did not begin keeping comprehensive migrant death statistics until FY 1998.)<br />
<br />
"However, during the Bush Administration a fairly systematic pattern of increased rights abuses on the part of Border Patrol and other INS agents emerged more plainly from a diverse and much more-expanded body of evidence. This information was reported by human rights groups, the press, congressional committees, the Mexican government, Mexican academic researchers, and even the U.S. Department of Justice. Recorded offenses included beatings, shootings and inappropriate use of firearms, sexual assault, destruction of property, denial of due process, verbal abuse and harassment, inappropriate and illegal searches, substandard detention conditions, and reckless high-speed chases." The militarization of the US-Mexico Border by Timothy J. Dunn. [Return to text]<br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July, 2003<br />
©1996-2012 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Immigration_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10898
Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T20:52:59Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Immigrants in our congregations */</p>
<hr />
<div>Mennonite Church USA has roots in seventeenth-century churches planted by immigrants from Europe. Our church continues to grow and be enlivened by immigrants who join us from many countries. As Christians, we believe we are called to welcome these sojourners in our congregations and communities, especially as our government creates increasingly harsh immigration laws in the name of fighting terrorism. Assumptions about identity make some people more vulnerable to political biases and discrimination than others. Our concerns about the status of immigrants in this country relate to how people are treated based on race, nationality, ethnicity, and religious identity. We reject our country's mistreatment of immigrants, repent of our silence, and commit ourselves to act with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters, regardless of their legal status.<br />
<br />
==Biblical Background==<br />
The Bible offers us some valuable insights about welcoming strangers, and in our context immigrants are viewed as strangers. "When a stranger sojourns with you in your land, you shall not do [the stranger] wrong. The stranger who sojourns with you shall be to you as the native among you, and you shall love [the stranger] as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt..." (Leviticus 19:33, 34). We affirm that God has called us to welcome immigrants, because all of us are sojourners (Exodus 23:9, Deuteronomy 24:17, 18). We believe that when we welcome strangers, we welcome Jesus (Matthew 25:35).<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in the United States==<br />
We may not realize it, but our nation depends economically and culturally on the contributions of immigrants. Immigrant entrepreneurs, professionals, and artists contribute to the United States' wealth and diverse culture. Immigrant laborers often work the least desirable jobs.<br />
<br />
For many immigrants, however, the opportunities of living in the United States are offset by hardship and discrimination. They work the most difficult and dangerous jobs for the lowest pay, and immigrants without documents are frequently cheated out of wages and denied compensation for work-related injuries. Unfair immigration policies make it difficult to travel across borders, unjust quota systems discriminate against citizens from some countries, and families are divided by long delays in document processing. Immigrants in poverty are denied most welfare and healthcare benefits. Because our society tells us to fear some immigrants more than others, an increasingly militarized U.S./Mexico border has led to reports of abuse by border guards and hundreds of deaths in the desert.a<br />
<br />
Since September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration, with the support of others in the government, has issued new policies and enforced old laws that strike fear in the hearts of immigrant communities, creating the perception that any contact with government officials or social service agencies might result in arrest or deportation. Middle Eastern males across the United States are being forced to register and are deported if their papers are not in order. Haitians and other Caribbean peoples arriving by boat are being detained without regard for their civil rights and deported even when they have credible fear of persecution at home. The new Department of Homeland Security, whose stated mission is to guard the nation against terrorists, now handles immigration and refugee enforcement and services. Our government's policies lead us to view these strangers as a threat to our safety and economic security.<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in our congregations==<br />
Immigrants “ documented and undocumented“ are members of many Mennonite Church USA congregations. Immigrant churches face a society whose policies and practices discriminate against immigrants and people of color. Immigrant churches with undocumented members are deeply affected by the poverty and fear experienced by many members of their communities; often churches share the costs of food, shelter, and clothing, assist in job searches, and support families when members are deported. Undocumented church leaders are often unable or afraid to travel to larger church gatherings without identification. Congregations without immigrant members are finding their communities changed by immigration and are struggling with how to respond.<br />
<br />
==Our commitment==<br />
We affirm individuals and churches that are already working against poverty and fear in immigrant communities. We affirm those who are speaking to the government about our nation's unjust immigration policies. We affirm the church's work with anti-racism, while we acknowledge that much more work remains. We also affirm the church's support of agencies that are addressing the roots of international inequality, which cause people to emigrate. However, we understand that because the United States controls more material resources than any other country, people will continue to immigrate here in search of economic and political stability. Because of our nation's abundance, because God has called us to welcome the sojourner, and because of the richness that immigrants bring to the Mennonite Church USA, we commit ourselves to action with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters.<br />
<br />
''We invite Mennonite Church USA congregations to consider the following actions (resources listed below):''<br />
<br />
1. Build relationships with newcomers in our communities. Facilitate the mutual sharing of immigrants' stories and contributions in our churches and neighborhoods. <br><br />
<br />
2. Plan congregational learning tours in our communities, including immigrant neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces, as well as government offices that serve immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
3. Partner with immigrant congregations to plan church services or community events. <br><br />
<br />
4. Offer church facilities and volunteers for documentation services, English classes, ethnic celebrations, or other outreach programs. <br><br />
<br />
5. Engage in mutual aid to offer food, shelter, clothing, and other resources to undocumented and documented immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
6. Learn about issues affecting immigrants by reading newspapers or magazines, joining national immigration rights organizations, or contacting church agencies that work with immigration issues. <br><br />
<br />
7. Join study tours to the U.S./Mexico border, refugee camps, or detention centers to learn more about U.S. immigration and refugee policies. <br><br />
<br />
8. Advocate for just and humane policies for immigrants and refugees by contacting local, state, and national elected officials.<br><br />
<br />
==These groups helped write and support this resolution:==<br />
* Iglesia Menonita Hispana: Marco Guete, moderator; and Juan Montes, direcor<br />
* MCC US: Jose Ortiz, executive director; Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, immigration education and advocacy director; Bethany Spicher, Washington Office legislative assistant for domestic affairs; Felipe Hinojosa, MCC Central States staff associate<br />
* Executive Board Office of Cross Cultural Relations, Kenyetta Aduma, director<br />
* Executive Board Directors Office, Susan Mark Landis, peace advocate<br />
* Pacific Southwest Conference, Jeff Wright, conference minister, southern California<br />
* PSMC/CAL Mission Team and the PSMC Pastoral Leadership Committee<br />
* MultiEthnic Ministries, Mennonite Mission Network: Kuaying Teng, minister<br />
* Mission Association Center for Anabaptist Leadership: Rev. Femi Fatunmbi<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Executive Board Executive Board<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Constituency Leaders Council<br />
==Resources:==<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Immigration Office===<br />
Offers two packets: "Welcoming the Newcomer: Doing Advocacy with Immigrants," for general immigration information, and "Immigration Information Packet" about the basics of immigration law. Conducts periodic workshops on documentation, citizenship, the responsibilities of immigrant sponsors, the rights of battered immigrant women and children, and the rights of workers in employment raids. Contact Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, (717) 859-1151, rjy@mcc.org, http://www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office===<br />
Offers a primer on immigration advocacy. Contact Bethany Spicher, (202) 544-6564, bspicher@mcc.org, http//www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
Mennonite Central Committee Resource Catalog<br />
Includes various immigration-related videos with study guides, packets, and posters<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Web site===<br />
"Love in Action" page includes suggestions for hands-on assistance, education, and advocacy http://www.mcc.org/themes/us-immigration/index.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===New Bridges Immigrant Resource Center===<br />
Hosts community immigration learning tours in Harrisonburg, Va. Contact Susannah Gerber Lepley, (540) 438-8295, newbridges1@aol.com<br />
<br />
===BorderLinks===<br />
A non-profit organization that conducts travel seminars focusing on the issues of Mexican border communities. Contact Katie Hudak, (520) 628-8263, Katie@borderlinks.org, www.borderlinks.org<br />
<br />
===Third Way Café===<br />
A collection of insightful interviews with a variety of immigrants and church workers who work with immigrants http://www.thirdway.com/btn/?Topic=Immigration<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Forum===<br />
Advocates and builds public support for public policies that welcome immigrants and refugees. Offers a series of short papers featuring useful statistical and historical information related to immigration. Visit www.immigrationforum.org<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Law Center===<br />
Specializes in immigration law, immigrant employment and public benefits rights of immigrants. Provides publications, technical advice and trainings on immigration. Visit www.nilc.org.<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
aThe Mexico Foreign Relations Office records 1870 deaths from 1995-2001. (There are no statistics for Arizona or Texas until 1996. The U.S. Border Patrol did not begin keeping comprehensive migrant death statistics until FY 1998.)<br />
<br />
"However, during the Bush Administration a fairly systematic pattern of increased rights abuses on the part of Border Patrol and other INS agents emerged more plainly from a diverse and much more-expanded body of evidence. This information was reported by human rights groups, the press, congressional committees, the Mexican government, Mexican academic researchers, and even the U.S. Department of Justice. Recorded offenses included beatings, shootings and inappropriate use of firearms, sexual assault, destruction of property, denial of due process, verbal abuse and harassment, inappropriate and illegal searches, substandard detention conditions, and reckless high-speed chases." The militarization of the US-Mexico Border by Timothy J. Dunn. [Return to text]<br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July, 2003<br />
©1996-2012 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Immigration_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10897
Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T20:51:54Z
<p>Hannahec: Created page with "Mennonite Church USA has roots in seventeenth-century churches planted by immigrants from Europe. Our church continues to grow and be enlivened by immigrants who join us from ..."</p>
<hr />
<div>Mennonite Church USA has roots in seventeenth-century churches planted by immigrants from Europe. Our church continues to grow and be enlivened by immigrants who join us from many countries. As Christians, we believe we are called to welcome these sojourners in our congregations and communities, especially as our government creates increasingly harsh immigration laws in the name of fighting terrorism. Assumptions about identity make some people more vulnerable to political biases and discrimination than others. Our concerns about the status of immigrants in this country relate to how people are treated based on race, nationality, ethnicity, and religious identity. We reject our country's mistreatment of immigrants, repent of our silence, and commit ourselves to act with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters, regardless of their legal status.<br />
<br />
==Biblical Background==<br />
The Bible offers us some valuable insights about welcoming strangers, and in our context immigrants are viewed as strangers. "When a stranger sojourns with you in your land, you shall not do [the stranger] wrong. The stranger who sojourns with you shall be to you as the native among you, and you shall love [the stranger] as yourself; for you were strangers in the land of Egypt..." (Leviticus 19:33, 34). We affirm that God has called us to welcome immigrants, because all of us are sojourners (Exodus 23:9, Deuteronomy 24:17, 18). We believe that when we welcome strangers, we welcome Jesus (Matthew 25:35).<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in the United States==<br />
We may not realize it, but our nation depends economically and culturally on the contributions of immigrants. Immigrant entrepreneurs, professionals, and artists contribute to the United States' wealth and diverse culture. Immigrant laborers often work the least desirable jobs.<br />
<br />
For many immigrants, however, the opportunities of living in the United States are offset by hardship and discrimination. They work the most difficult and dangerous jobs for the lowest pay, and immigrants without documents are frequently cheated out of wages and denied compensation for work-related injuries. Unfair immigration policies make it difficult to travel across borders, unjust quota systems discriminate against citizens from some countries, and families are divided by long delays in document processing. Immigrants in poverty are denied most welfare and healthcare benefits. Because our society tells us to fear some immigrants more than others, an increasingly militarized U.S./Mexico border has led to reports of abuse by border guards and hundreds of deaths in the desert.a<br />
<br />
Since September 11, 2001, the Bush Administration, with the support of others in the government, has issued new policies and enforced old laws that strike fear in the hearts of immigrant communities, creating the perception that any contact with government officials or social service agencies might result in arrest or deportation. Middle Eastern males across the United States are being forced to register and are deported if their papers are not in order. Haitians and other Caribbean peoples arriving by boat are being detained without regard for their civil rights and deported even when they have credible fear of persecution at home. The new Department of Homeland Security, whose stated mission is to guard the nation against terrorists, now handles immigration and refugee enforcement and services. Our government's policies lead us to view these strangers as a threat to our safety and economic security.<br />
<br />
==Immigrants in our congregations==<br />
Immigrants – documented and undocumented – are members of many Mennonite Church USA congregations. Immigrant churches face a society whose policies and practices discriminate against immigrants and people of color. Immigrant churches with undocumented members are deeply affected by the poverty and fear experienced by many members of their communities; often churches share the costs of food, shelter, and clothing, assist in job searches, and support families when members are deported. Undocumented church leaders are often unable or afraid to travel to larger church gatherings without identification. Congregations without immigrant members are finding their communities changed by immigration and are struggling with how to respond.<br />
<br />
==Our commitment==<br />
We affirm individuals and churches that are already working against poverty and fear in immigrant communities. We affirm those who are speaking to the government about our nation's unjust immigration policies. We affirm the church's work with anti-racism, while we acknowledge that much more work remains. We also affirm the church's support of agencies that are addressing the roots of international inequality, which cause people to emigrate. However, we understand that because the United States controls more material resources than any other country, people will continue to immigrate here in search of economic and political stability. Because of our nation's abundance, because God has called us to welcome the sojourner, and because of the richness that immigrants bring to the Mennonite Church USA, we commit ourselves to action with and on behalf of our immigrant brothers and sisters.<br />
<br />
''We invite Mennonite Church USA congregations to consider the following actions (resources listed below):''<br />
<br />
1. Build relationships with newcomers in our communities. Facilitate the mutual sharing of immigrants' stories and contributions in our churches and neighborhoods. <br><br />
<br />
2. Plan congregational learning tours in our communities, including immigrant neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces, as well as government offices that serve immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
3. Partner with immigrant congregations to plan church services or community events. <br><br />
<br />
4. Offer church facilities and volunteers for documentation services, English classes, ethnic celebrations, or other outreach programs. <br><br />
<br />
5. Engage in mutual aid to offer food, shelter, clothing, and other resources to undocumented and documented immigrants. <br><br />
<br />
6. Learn about issues affecting immigrants by reading newspapers or magazines, joining national immigration rights organizations, or contacting church agencies that work with immigration issues. <br><br />
<br />
7. Join study tours to the U.S./Mexico border, refugee camps, or detention centers to learn more about U.S. immigration and refugee policies. <br><br />
<br />
8. Advocate for just and humane policies for immigrants and refugees by contacting local, state, and national elected officials.<br><br />
<br />
==These groups helped write and support this resolution:==<br />
* Iglesia Menonita Hispana: Marco Guete, moderator; and Juan Montes, direcor<br />
* MCC US: Jose Ortiz, executive director; Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, immigration education and advocacy director; Bethany Spicher, Washington Office legislative assistant for domestic affairs; Felipe Hinojosa, MCC Central States staff associate<br />
* Executive Board Office of Cross Cultural Relations, Kenyetta Aduma, director<br />
* Executive Board Directors Office, Susan Mark Landis, peace advocate<br />
* Pacific Southwest Conference, Jeff Wright, conference minister, southern California<br />
* PSMC/CAL Mission Team and the PSMC Pastoral Leadership Committee<br />
* MultiEthnic Ministries, Mennonite Mission Network: Kuaying Teng, minister<br />
* Mission Association Center for Anabaptist Leadership: Rev. Femi Fatunmbi<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Executive Board Executive Board<br />
* Mennonite Church USA Constituency Leaders Council<br />
==Resources:==<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Immigration Office===<br />
Offers two packets: "Welcoming the Newcomer: Doing Advocacy with Immigrants," for general immigration information, and "Immigration Information Packet" about the basics of immigration law. Conducts periodic workshops on documentation, citizenship, the responsibilities of immigrant sponsors, the rights of battered immigrant women and children, and the rights of workers in employment raids. Contact Rebeca Jimenez Yoder, (717) 859-1151, rjy@mcc.org, http://www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Washington Office===<br />
Offers a primer on immigration advocacy. Contact Bethany Spicher, (202) 544-6564, bspicher@mcc.org, http//www.mcc.org/us/peaceandjustice/immigrat.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
Mennonite Central Committee Resource Catalog<br />
Includes various immigration-related videos with study guides, packets, and posters<br />
<br />
===Mennonite Central Committee Web site===<br />
"Love in Action" page includes suggestions for hands-on assistance, education, and advocacy http://www.mcc.org/themes/us-immigration/index.html [broken link]<br />
<br />
===New Bridges Immigrant Resource Center===<br />
Hosts community immigration learning tours in Harrisonburg, Va. Contact Susannah Gerber Lepley, (540) 438-8295, newbridges1@aol.com<br />
<br />
===BorderLinks===<br />
A non-profit organization that conducts travel seminars focusing on the issues of Mexican border communities. Contact Katie Hudak, (520) 628-8263, Katie@borderlinks.org, www.borderlinks.org<br />
<br />
===Third Way Café===<br />
A collection of insightful interviews with a variety of immigrants and church workers who work with immigrants http://www.thirdway.com/btn/?Topic=Immigration<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Forum===<br />
Advocates and builds public support for public policies that welcome immigrants and refugees. Offers a series of short papers featuring useful statistical and historical information related to immigration. Visit www.immigrationforum.org<br />
<br />
===National Immigration Law Center===<br />
Specializes in immigration law, immigrant employment and public benefits rights of immigrants. Provides publications, technical advice and trainings on immigration. Visit www.nilc.org.<br />
<br />
----<br />
<br />
aThe Mexico Foreign Relations Office records 1870 deaths from 1995-2001. (There are no statistics for Arizona or Texas until 1996. The U.S. Border Patrol did not begin keeping comprehensive migrant death statistics until FY 1998.)<br />
<br />
"However, during the Bush Administration a fairly systematic pattern of increased rights abuses on the part of Border Patrol and other INS agents emerged more plainly from a diverse and much more-expanded body of evidence. This information was reported by human rights groups, the press, congressional committees, the Mexican government, Mexican academic researchers, and even the U.S. Department of Justice. Recorded offenses included beatings, shootings and inappropriate use of firearms, sexual assault, destruction of property, denial of due process, verbal abuse and harassment, inappropriate and illegal searches, substandard detention conditions, and reckless high-speed chases." The militarization of the US-Mexico Border by Timothy J. Dunn. [Return to text]<br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July, 2003<br />
©1996-2012 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Online_Anabaptist-Mennonite_Library&diff=10896
Online Anabaptist-Mennonite Library
2012-07-06T20:45:41Z
<p>Hannahec: /* 2000 to 2010 */</p>
<hr />
<div>In 2012, [http://www.gameo.org/ GAMEO] transferred its online library (then called the Anabaptist Mennonite Ethereal Library) containing the '''full texts''' of significant Mennonite confessions of faith and position statements on a variety of issues. These valuable sources can now be found here. A few early confessions of other faith groups are also included. <br />
<br />
These full-text documents represent a variety of Mennonite denominations over an extended period of time. Thus you will find statements that may not agree with one another because they come from Mennonite groups with differing emphases, or because these emphases have changed over time.<br />
<br />
The documents are arranged in '''chronological order''' within their categories.<br />
==Confessions of Faith==<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Confessions of Faith </div><br />
* [[Schleitheim Confession (source)|Schleitheim Confession]] (Anabaptist, 1527)<br />
* [[Wismar Articles (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)|Wismar Articles]] (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)<br />
* [[Strasbourg Discipline (South German Anabaptist, 1568)|Strasbourg Discipline]] (South German Anabaptist, 1568)<br />
* [[Waterlander Confession of Faith (1577)|Confession of Faith]] (Waterlander, 1577)<br />
* [[The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries (1578)|The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries]] (1578)<br />
* [[Concept of Cologne (Anabaptists, 1591)|Concept of Cologne]] (Anabaptists, 1591)<br />
* [[The Confession of Faith (P.J. Twisck, 1617)|The Confession of Faith]] (P.J. Twisck, 1617)<br />
* [[A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries (1618)|A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries]] (1618)<br />
* [[Olive Branch Confession (1627)|Olive Branch Confession]] (Dutch Mennonite, 1627)<br />
* [[Dordrecht Confession of Faith (Mennonite, 1632)|Dordrecht Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite, 1632)<br />
* [[Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris (1766)|Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris]] (1766)<br />
* [[Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)|Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith]] (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)<br />
* [[Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, Articles of Confession (1896)|Articles of Confession]] (Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Our Common Confession (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)|Our Common Confession]] (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1902)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1902)<br />
* [[Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches Articles of Faith (1950)|Articles of Faith]] (Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches, 1950)<br />
* [[Mennonite Confession of Faith (Mennonite Church, 1963)|Mennonite Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Church, 1963)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1975)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)|Confession of Faith]] (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Conference Confession of Faith (1994)|Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Conference, 1994)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)|Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective]] (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference Confession of Faith (2001) | Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference, 2001)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Catechisms==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[Elbing Catechism (Mennonite, 1778)|Elbing Catechism]] (Mennonite, 1778)<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Position Statements==<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Position Statements</div><br />
Here you will find a variety of full-text documents, arranged in chronological order, that contain Anabaptist/Mennonite declarations of positions on various matters. <br />
|}<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">16th Century to 1980</div><br />
====Pre-20th Century ====<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Document of Secession (1860)|Document of Secession]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1860)<br />
<br />
====1900 to 1950====<br />
* [[Report of the Dress Committee (Mennonite Church, 1913)|Report of the Dress Committee]] (Mennonite Church, 1913)<br />
* [[Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare (Mennonite Church, 1915)|Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare]] (Mennonite Church, 1915)<br />
* [[Statement of Our Position on Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1917)|Statement of Our Position on Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1917)<br />
* [[Christian Fundamentals (Mennonite Church, 1921)|Christian Fundamentals]] (Mennonite Church, 1921)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite (1925)|A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite]] (1925)<br />
* [[A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1937)|A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1937)<br />
* [[Statement of Doctrine (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|Statement of Doctrine]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* The Anabaptist Vision by Harold S. Bender (1944)<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)<br />
<br />
====1951 to 1960====<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment with Respect to Peace, War, and Nonresistance (Mennonite Church, 1951)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Peace, War, and Military Service (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1953)<br />
* Declaration of Commitment in Respect to Christian Separation and Nonconformity to the World (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Nurture and Evangelism of Children (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Way of Christian Love in Race Relations (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* Statement on the Believers' Church (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1956)<br />
* The Theology of Christian Experience (Mennonite Church, 1957)<br />
* The Christian and Nuclear Power (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian and Race Relations (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian View of Marriage (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* On Inspiration of the Bible (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
====1961 to 1970====<br />
* Christian Parenthood (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* The Christian Witness to the State (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Communism and Anti-Communism (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Dedication for Our Times (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Love and Unity in the Church (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Recreation (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Communism and Anti-Communism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on the Authority of the Scriptures (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* The Christian Family (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1963)<br />
* Capital Punishment and the Ministry of the Church to the Offender (Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Capital Punishment (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* Resolution on Nationalism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on World Hunger (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on Divorce and Remarriage (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1969)<br />
* Response to Conscription and Militarism (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
* Urban-Racial Concerns (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
====1971 to 1980====<br />
* The Way of Peace (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1971)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Amnesty (Mennonite Central Committee, 1973)<br />
* A Statement of Direction to Guide Congregations and Regional Conferences in Understanding Ordination (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1974)<br />
* Resolution on World Food Crisis (Mennonite Central Committee, 1974)<br />
* Abortion (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Amnesty (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Understandings Concerning Women and Men (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Resolution on Abortion (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Interpretation In The Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Call and Care of Pastors (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Christian Stewardship of Energy Resources (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Governmental Oppression and our Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Holy Spirit In the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Offender Ministries (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Television Violence (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Interpretation of Scriptures (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Mennonite Brethren and the Urban Challenge (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Political Involvement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Resolution on Pastoral Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Affirming Our Faith in Word and Deed (Mennonite Church, 1979)<br />
* Guidelines on Abortion (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
*Legal and Legislative Exemptions from War Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">1981 to 2010</div><br />
====1981 to 1990====<br />
* Leadership and Authority in the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Homosexuality (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Divorced and Remarried (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Women in the Church (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Question of Love and Non-Resistance (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* The Use of the Law (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Justice and the Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Mennonite Tricentennial Resolution (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Central America (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Conscientious Objection to Military Taxes (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* A Resolution on Faithful Action Toward Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution Regarding Caring Community (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Statement on Inter-Mennonite Cooperation in North America (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Vision for Witness (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* "God's People Reconciling [35 minute Audio file]" (Mennonite World Conference presentation by Ron Sider, 28 July 1984 in Strasbourg, France) Windows Media File (5 MB); MP3 File (15 MB)<br />
* Ten-Year Goals (Vision '95)(Mennonite Church, 1985)<br />
* A Call to Kingdom Commitments (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Many Peoples Becoming God's People (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Apartheid (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Human Sexuality (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Baptism by Immersion as a Requirement for Ordination to Pastoral Leadership (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1987)<br />
* A Call to Affirmation, Confession, and Covenant Regarding Human Sexuality (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Growing in Stewardship and Witness in a Militaristic World (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Resolution on South Africa (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* A Church of Many Peoples Confronts Racism (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Recommendation on Exploring MC/GC Integration (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on Military Tax Withholding (Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on the 500th Anniversary of Columbus (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Stewardship of the Earth: Resolution on Environment and Faith Issues (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Vision Statement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1990)<br />
====1991 to 1999====<br />
* On Observing 1992 (Mennonite Church, 1991)<br />
* Statement of Doctrine (Conservative Mennonite Conference, 1991)<br />
* A Resolution against Interpersonal Abuse (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution on Health Care (General Conference Mennonite Church U.S. Assembly, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution to Laugh with Abraham and Sarah (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Call for a Peacemaking Task Force (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace (Mennonite Central Committee, 1993)<br />
* Peace in Our Time (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Resolution on Health Care in the United States (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Resolution on Male Violence Against Women (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Affirming Peacemaking as it Relates to the Peace Tax (U.S.)/Peace Trust (Canada) (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Agreeing and Disagreeing in Love -- Commitments for Mennonites in Times of Disagreement (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Resolution on a Jubilee Year of Repentance and Action Regarding Nuclear Weapons (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Vision: Healing and Hope (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church , 1995)<br />
* "And No One Shall Make Them Afraid" (Zephaniah 3:12-13): a Mennonite Statement on Violence (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Is Jesus the Only Way? (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Mission Statement for Congregational Youth Ministry (Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Ordination (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Guidelines for building faithful relationships in the church (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Resolution on the Issue of Homosexuality (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Guidelines for Membership in the New Mennonite Church (Mennonite Church Canada, 1999)<br />
* Women in Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1999)<br />
====2000 to 2010====<br />
* [[The Call from Colombia to MC Canada (2000)|The Call from Colombia to MC Canada]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc. (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)|Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc.]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Colombia Resolution (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)|Colombia Resolution]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)<br />
* [[Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Resolution on Plan Colombia (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Resolution on Plan Colombia]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[A Resolution: The Death Penalty (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)| A Resolution: The Death Penalty]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Vieques Resolution]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)|Statement on Abortion]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on the War in Iraq (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)|Statement on the War in Iraq]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)<br />
* [[MWC Shared Convictions (2006)|Shared Convictions]] (Mennonite World Conference, 2006)<br />
* [[A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
<br />
|}</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Abortion_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10895
Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T20:45:04Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Recommended reading */</p>
<hr />
<div>Based on former [[Mennonite Church]] (1975) and [[General Conference Mennonite Church]] (1980) statements. Adopted by the 2003 Delegate Assembly.<br />
<br />
==I. Preamble==<br />
"We believe that God has created human beings in the divine image. God formed them from the dust of the earth and gave them a special dignity among all the works of creation. Human beings have been made for relationship with God, to live in peace with each other, and to take care of the rest of creation."1 (Article VI, Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective)<br />
<br />
==II. We believe==<br />
* Human life is a gift from God to be valued and protected. We oppose abortion because it runs counter to biblical principles.<br />
* The fetus in its earliest stages (and even if imperfect by human standards) shares humanity with those who conceived it.<br />
* There are times when deeply held values, such as saving the life of the mother and saving the life of the fetus, come in conflict with each other.<br />
* The faith community should be a place for discernment about difficult issues like abortion.<br />
* Abortion should not be used to interrupt unwanted pregnancies.<br />
* Christians must provide viable alternatives to abortion that provide care and support for mothers and infants.<br />
* The church should witness to society regarding the value of all human life.<br />
* Professionals whose ministry involves dealing with the moral dilemmas of abortion and reproductive technologies need our support.<br />
==III. We confess==<br />
* We have failed to offer a clear voice affirming life as an alternative to our society’s frequent reliance upon abortion as the solution to problem pregnancies.<br />
* We have failed to show compassion for those who are suffering the consequences of abortion.<br />
* We have failed to work for a just health care system that would assist poor families in caring for their children.<br />
==IV. Commentary2 (corresponding to Sections II and III)==<br />
===Human life is a gift from God to be valued and protected.===<br />
<br />
Humanity and humans have a special place in God’s creation. The Bible teaches that all human life is a gift of God and of immeasurable worth in His sight:<br />
<br />
* The Psalmist speaks of God’s intimate involvement in the creation of human life. "For it was you who formed my inward parts; you knit me together in my mother’s womb. I praise you, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made. Wonderful are your works; that I know very well" (Psalm 139:13, 14).<br />
* Abortion runs counter to biblical principles which give a high value to human life. "Portrayal of God as the author and giver of life creates a general presumption against any human decision to terminate life."3<br />
* We are created in God’s image (Genesis 1:26, 27; Genesis 2:7-9; Genesis 9:6; Psalm 8).<br />
* We are protected and admonished by the commandment, "You shall not murder" (Exodus 20:13).<br />
* We are instructed to act in the best interests of our neighbor (Matthew 22:39; John 15:17; Romans 13:8-10; 1 Corinthians 10:24).<br />
* Throughout the Bible, we are called to demonstrate special concern for the defenseless, the widow, the orphan, the oppressed, the stranger, and the one who has no advocate. Though the Bible does not explicitly say so, in our day concern for the "defenseless" should also extend to the fetus.4<br />
===The fetus in its earliest stages (and even if imperfect by human standards) shares humanity with those who conceived it.===<br />
<br />
The Bible does not speak directly to the question of abortion. A biblical passage that indirectly speaks to the status of the fetus (Exodus 21:22-25) seems to place a higher value on the life of the mother than the fetus. For the death of the fetus, the husband is to be compensated with money, but where the wife suffers hurt or death, there shall be "life for life, eye for eye."5 The Bible places a high value on the life of the fetus, though it does not necessarily support its defense to the exclusion of all other considerations.<br />
<br />
We understand that the fetus is not just a piece of tissue to be discarded at will. On the other hand, neither is the fetus treated as a human/person in the full sense of that term. Human life begins at conception. We agree that any attempt to define the beginning of humanness at a point along the spectrum of development is a mistake, tempting as it may be.6 At the same time, our martyr tradition and our hope in eternal life do not insist that human life trumps all other values.<br />
<br />
Most people will choose the life of the mother if a choice must be made about the survival of either the mother or the fetus. In those rare situations when a choice must be made between the life of the mother and the life of the unborn child, Christians should prayerfully seek the guidance of the Holy Spirit with a group of believers committed to discerning the will of God.<br />
<br />
Even though we wish every child to have a healthy body and a strong mind, the lack of such does not make the child less a person in God’s sight. Some persons7 pose a test of "personhood." For utilitarians, personhood requires higher thought processes called "preferences."<br />
<br />
Such persons believe that since a fetus or newborn has few, if any, preferences, it should not be recognized as a person. We believe that such a test of personhood could lead to screening fetuses in order to eliminate people with disabilities or those with genetic diseases that will likely limit their life or restrict the enjoyment of life. For many families, the presence of a handicapped child has become the source of great joy. At the same time, we recognize the special challenges faced by families caring for developmentally disabled or handicapped children. We believe that the possibility of deformity or mental handicap is not sufficient reason to choose abortion.<br />
<br />
===There are times when deeply held values come in conflict with each other.===<br />
<br />
We stress the importance of respect for the life of the fetus. We condone abortion only under the most exceptional of circumstances. When abortion appears to be the least bad choice among several undesirable options, we stress the need for discernment in the faith community.<br />
<br />
Because of the diversity of moral conviction in our society, we realize that what the law permits is not necessarily moral behavior for the Christian. We believe, however, that the church should witness to society in favor of the "general presumption against any human decision to terminate life."8 We will offer counsel about alternatives to abortion.<br />
<br />
While many could support legislation which seeks to curtail some types of abortion, we recognize that legislation banning all abortions will not stop abortions from happening. Instead, it places sanctions on those women who choose abortion, without regard for the fathers involved or the fact that the women are already suffering the consequences of their choice. It also disproportionately affects the poor, as those with means will be able to find ways to obtain safe abortions. Further, legislation isusing the government to force others to comply with our Christian standards, something our forebears clearly rejected. We believe that the demands of discipleship are to be accepted voluntarily, not imposed legally upon everyone regardless of conviction.<br />
<br />
===The faith community should be a place for discernment.===<br />
<br />
We believe that the New Testament pictures the church as a community (koinonia), which seeks to discern the will of God and take responsibility as a group for decisions. The emphasis on individual rights and autonomy in our society has deeply affected our community. To call for discernment in the community of faith is counter-cultural in the extreme. We urge members of the faith community to engage in a discerning process rather than making decisions in isolation. We recognize that such a process will usually involve only a small group within a congregation. Through this process of counsel and mutual accountability the church may promote a standard without insisting on uniformity for all. The individual woman or couple must finally decide on the question of abortion. We believe the larger community should be available for counsel to those making the decision.<br />
<br />
We urge pastors and congregations to foster a climate of openness so that these decisions can be worked out prayerfully in the context of Christian community. We believe that the community should be supportive of a woman or couple, sharing the responsibility for, and burden of, that decision. This would include sharing in the responsibility for the care of that person or family if a continued pregnancy leads to the birth of a child that brings hardship on a family or individual.<br />
<br />
===Abortion should not be used to interrupt unwanted pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
We support responsible decisions to limit family size. We believe that when pregnancy is not desired, responsible men and women will take responsibility for their sexual behavior. We do not support the use of abortion as a means of birth control or for limitation of family size.<br />
<br />
===We are committed to providing care and support for those infants who are carried to term.===<br />
<br />
We will seek creative alternatives to abortion that will enhance the well-being of mother, father, and child. We commit ourselves to show concern for individuals who place their children for adoption. The faith community should be ready to support financially, and in other ways, the families of all children, including those who are developmentally disabled.<br />
<br />
The church should witness to society regarding the value of all human life.<br />
<br />
We will promote consistency in favor of human life along the entire spectrum of human existence. We stand in opposition to sacrifice of life in the womb, in the death chamber, and through war in all its forms.<br />
<br />
===We commit ourselves to support professional caregivers.===<br />
<br />
We know that the church has often left the difficult task of dealing with persons facing abortion to the professionals in medicine, law, mental health, or social work. We commit ourselves to support our professionals whose ministry includes dealing with moral dilemmas of abortion and reproductive issues. When a person for reasons of conscience chooses not to perform or participate in performing abortions, we will advocate on their behalf.<br />
<br />
===We will advocate for a society that does not rely on abortion as the primary solution to problem pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
Historically we have affirmed the high value of human life and we continue to do so. We express deep dismay over the millions of abortions in North America since the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973. Three of ten conceptions (approximately 1.5 million each year) end in destruction of the fetus.9 On the 30th anniversary of Roe v. Wade, we restate the biblical call for preservation of life even as we recognize the difficulty of addressing moral issues by government legislation.<br />
<br />
We recognize that within our fellowship, we hold a wide variety of convictions about abortion. We acknowledge that there are situations in which some Christians may seek abortions for what other Christians regard as selfish or inadequate reasons.<br />
<br />
===We will act with compassion toward those who choose to have an abortion.===<br />
<br />
We will support persons who are suffering as a result of their decision to have an abortion. We have too often failed to care, nurture, and support the mother or family with an unwanted pregnancy.<br />
<br />
===We seek to become a more compassionate body, rather than judgmental of those with unwanted pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
The Bible reflects an attitude of compassion toward the sinner. Jesus’ harshest words were directed against the self-righteous. He warned against judging others. He spent much time with outcasts and sinners and he told those who caught the woman in an act of adultery, "Let anyone among you who is without sin be the first to throw a stone at her" (John 8:7). We believe that persons who have an abortion for reasons regarded by others in the Christian community as wrong should be treated with love, so that Jesus’ word of redemption may become operative: "Go your way and from now on do not sin again" (John 8:11).<br />
<br />
===We commit ourselves to work for a just health care system that will assist poor families in caring for their children.===<br />
<br />
Because we are concerned about just health care for all, we will:<br />
<br />
* Recognize that protests against abortion have greater integrity when they are combined with concern for all human life.<br />
* Commit ourselves to work for a just health care system that will assist poor families in caring for their children, thus eliminating conditions that help create a culture of abortion.<br />
* Urge our members to consider becoming adoptive or foster parents to care for abused and unwanted children.<br />
* Become persistent advocates for a national health care policy which controls costs while emphasizing quality care. 10 (From MC and GC Delegate Assembly Resolutions on Health Care, 1992 and 1993)<br />
* We believe that the use of abortion among the poor is driven at times by the inequities and gaps in the present health care system. An informed woman with financial resources has always been able to get a safe abortion while a poor woman who is less informed has resorted to abortions under expensive, dangerous, and clandestine conditions. <br><br />
We affirm life even as we grieve the conditions that lead persons to consider abortion.<br />
<br />
==V. A call to the congregation==<br />
The congregation can be a place of healing or a hostile place for persons who have had or are considering abortion. We give a high value to life and also respond with compassion to those who may be considering abortion. We believe the body of Christ must hold these positions in tension.<br />
<br />
We call on congregations to form caring teams who are able to walk with individuals seeking guidance as they deal with unexpected and unwanted pregnancies. If we want to create safe places in our congregations where people can talk about their problems, we must learn to listen in a non-judgmental way to those who fail to live up to their best intentions.<br />
<br />
We call on pastors and congregational leaders to address issues of sexuality and appropriate sexual expression in sermons, in Sunday school classes, and in premarital counseling. We believe congregations offer life to their communities by being involved in community organizations that support adoption and foster care.<br />
<br />
We commit ourselves to provide Christian education about human sexuality for both young and old and to foster understanding of various means by which pregnancy can be prevented when it is not desired. We commit ourselves to teaching sexual chastity before marriage and faithfulness in marriage.<br />
<br />
We believe congregations have the ability to talk about abortion, express their commitment to Scripture, and discern its meaning for today. In many congregations, there are persons who can share their experiences of being parents, doctors, lawyers, pastors, nurses, and social workers.<br />
<br />
A difficult moral issue like abortion requires ongoing study and discussion. We commit ourselves to continue to search for God’s will in this matter even as we continue to speak out against abortion. We are sure that God’s love in Jesus Christ binds us together in this search:<br />
<br />
"For now we see in a mirror, dimly, but then we will see face to face. Now I know only in part; then I will know fully, even as I have been fully known. And now faith, hope, and love abide, these three; and the greatest of these is love" (1 Cor.13:12-13).<br />
<br />
===Reference Committee===<br />
<br />
The reference committee for this statement included:<br />
<br />
* Committee members from Constituency Leaders Council: Leah Ann Alcazar, Yvonne Bailey, Elaine Good, Felipe Hinojosa, Janeen Bertsche Johnson, Ed Kauffman, Joe Longacher<br />
* Consultants from Anabaptist Center for Health Care Ethics: Anne Hershberger, George Stoltzfus (writer)<br />
* Staff from Mennonite Church USA Executive Board: J. Ron Byler, Kathryn Rodgers<br />
<br />
===Recommended reading===<br />
<br />
* Alderfer, Edwin and Helen, eds. ''Life and Values''. Mennonite Publishing House, 1974.<br />
* Birky, Luke. "When is Life?" ''Gospel Herald'', January 30, 1968.<br />
* Bork, Robert H. "Inconvenient Lives," ''First Things'', December 1996.<br />
* Brenneman, George. "Abortion: Review of Mennonite Literature, 1970–1977," ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'', April 1979.<br />
* Burke, Theresa, and David C. Reardon. ''Forbidden Grief: The Unspoken Pain of Abortion''. Acorn Books, 1992.<br />
* ''[http://www.mennolink.org/doc/cof/ Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective]. Herald Press, 1995.<br />
* Friesen, Duane. ''Moral Issues in the Control of Birth''. Faith & Life Press, 1974.<br />
* Goodwin, Thomas Murphy. "Medicalizing Abortion Decisions," ''First Things'', March 1996.<br />
* Harrison, Beverly Wildung.'' Our Right to Choose''. Beacon Press, 1983.<br />
* Hays, Richard B. ''The Moral Vision of the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament Ethics''. Harper Collins, 1996.<br />
* Keller, Richard F. "In Favor of Life," ''Gospel Herald'', September 2, 1975.<br />
* Kropf, Marlene Y. "How I Decided about Abortion," ''Christian Living'', November 1972.<br />
* Mennonite Central Committee Abortion Packet. Revised 2001.<br />
* Oswald, Laurie L. "Witnessing for Life," ''Mennonite Weekly Review'', January 13, 2000.<br />
* Ring-Cassidy, Elizabeth, and Ian Genties. ''Women's Health After Abortion: The Medical and Psychological Evidence''. The deVeber Institute, 2002.<br />
* Rudy, Kathy. ''Beyond Pro-Life and Pro-Choice: Moral Diversity in the Abortion Debate''. Beacon Press, 1996.<br />
* Sider, Ronald J. ''Completely Pro-Life: Building a Consistent Stance''. Intervarsity Press, 1987.<br />
* Strahan, Tom, ed. ''Detrimental Effects of Abortion: An Annotated Bibliography with Commentary''. Acorn Publishing, 2001.<br />
* Wennburg, Robert N. ''Life in the Balance: Exploring the Abortion Controversy''. William P. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1985.<br />
* "Who Lives, Who Dies? The Disturbing Logic of Peter Singer," ''The Christian Century'', July 3–10,2002.<br />
* Yoder, John Howard. "The Biblical Evaluation of Human Life," a 1973 address delivered at the Mennonite Medical Association Abortion Study. Copies available through the office of the Anabaptist Center for Health Care Ethics.<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July 2003<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
<ol><br />
1 Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective, Herald Press, 1995, Article VI, p. 28.<br />
<br />
2 All biblical quotations are from the NRSV. [Linked Internet scriptures are NIV.]<br />
<br />
3 The Moral Vision of the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament Ethics by Richard B. Hays, Harper Collins, 1996, pp. 455–456.<br />
<br />
4 John Howard Yoder (see recommended reading) speaks of a “prejudice in favor of the defenseless.”<br />
<br />
5 Although this has historically been the interpretation of the text, some people interpret it to mean that there is a live birth. They therefore believe the text does not support making a distinction between the status of the fetus and the mother.<br />
<br />
6 See Hays, p. 455, for a more complete discussion.<br />
<br />
7 “Who Lives? Who Dies? The Disturbing Logic of Peter Singer,” The Christian Century, July 3-10, 2002, pp. 24-29.<br />
<br />
8 See Hays, pp. 455-456.<br />
<br />
9 “Inconvenient Lives,” First Things, December 1996, p. 9.<br />
<br />
10 See Resolution on Health Care endorsed by GCMC and MC delegates in 1992 and 1993, respectively.<br />
</ol></div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Abortion_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10894
Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T20:43:45Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Recommended reading */</p>
<hr />
<div>Based on former [[Mennonite Church]] (1975) and [[General Conference Mennonite Church]] (1980) statements. Adopted by the 2003 Delegate Assembly.<br />
<br />
==I. Preamble==<br />
"We believe that God has created human beings in the divine image. God formed them from the dust of the earth and gave them a special dignity among all the works of creation. Human beings have been made for relationship with God, to live in peace with each other, and to take care of the rest of creation."1 (Article VI, Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective)<br />
<br />
==II. We believe==<br />
* Human life is a gift from God to be valued and protected. We oppose abortion because it runs counter to biblical principles.<br />
* The fetus in its earliest stages (and even if imperfect by human standards) shares humanity with those who conceived it.<br />
* There are times when deeply held values, such as saving the life of the mother and saving the life of the fetus, come in conflict with each other.<br />
* The faith community should be a place for discernment about difficult issues like abortion.<br />
* Abortion should not be used to interrupt unwanted pregnancies.<br />
* Christians must provide viable alternatives to abortion that provide care and support for mothers and infants.<br />
* The church should witness to society regarding the value of all human life.<br />
* Professionals whose ministry involves dealing with the moral dilemmas of abortion and reproductive technologies need our support.<br />
==III. We confess==<br />
* We have failed to offer a clear voice affirming life as an alternative to our society’s frequent reliance upon abortion as the solution to problem pregnancies.<br />
* We have failed to show compassion for those who are suffering the consequences of abortion.<br />
* We have failed to work for a just health care system that would assist poor families in caring for their children.<br />
==IV. Commentary2 (corresponding to Sections II and III)==<br />
===Human life is a gift from God to be valued and protected.===<br />
<br />
Humanity and humans have a special place in God’s creation. The Bible teaches that all human life is a gift of God and of immeasurable worth in His sight:<br />
<br />
* The Psalmist speaks of God’s intimate involvement in the creation of human life. "For it was you who formed my inward parts; you knit me together in my mother’s womb. I praise you, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made. Wonderful are your works; that I know very well" (Psalm 139:13, 14).<br />
* Abortion runs counter to biblical principles which give a high value to human life. "Portrayal of God as the author and giver of life creates a general presumption against any human decision to terminate life."3<br />
* We are created in God’s image (Genesis 1:26, 27; Genesis 2:7-9; Genesis 9:6; Psalm 8).<br />
* We are protected and admonished by the commandment, "You shall not murder" (Exodus 20:13).<br />
* We are instructed to act in the best interests of our neighbor (Matthew 22:39; John 15:17; Romans 13:8-10; 1 Corinthians 10:24).<br />
* Throughout the Bible, we are called to demonstrate special concern for the defenseless, the widow, the orphan, the oppressed, the stranger, and the one who has no advocate. Though the Bible does not explicitly say so, in our day concern for the "defenseless" should also extend to the fetus.4<br />
===The fetus in its earliest stages (and even if imperfect by human standards) shares humanity with those who conceived it.===<br />
<br />
The Bible does not speak directly to the question of abortion. A biblical passage that indirectly speaks to the status of the fetus (Exodus 21:22-25) seems to place a higher value on the life of the mother than the fetus. For the death of the fetus, the husband is to be compensated with money, but where the wife suffers hurt or death, there shall be "life for life, eye for eye."5 The Bible places a high value on the life of the fetus, though it does not necessarily support its defense to the exclusion of all other considerations.<br />
<br />
We understand that the fetus is not just a piece of tissue to be discarded at will. On the other hand, neither is the fetus treated as a human/person in the full sense of that term. Human life begins at conception. We agree that any attempt to define the beginning of humanness at a point along the spectrum of development is a mistake, tempting as it may be.6 At the same time, our martyr tradition and our hope in eternal life do not insist that human life trumps all other values.<br />
<br />
Most people will choose the life of the mother if a choice must be made about the survival of either the mother or the fetus. In those rare situations when a choice must be made between the life of the mother and the life of the unborn child, Christians should prayerfully seek the guidance of the Holy Spirit with a group of believers committed to discerning the will of God.<br />
<br />
Even though we wish every child to have a healthy body and a strong mind, the lack of such does not make the child less a person in God’s sight. Some persons7 pose a test of "personhood." For utilitarians, personhood requires higher thought processes called "preferences."<br />
<br />
Such persons believe that since a fetus or newborn has few, if any, preferences, it should not be recognized as a person. We believe that such a test of personhood could lead to screening fetuses in order to eliminate people with disabilities or those with genetic diseases that will likely limit their life or restrict the enjoyment of life. For many families, the presence of a handicapped child has become the source of great joy. At the same time, we recognize the special challenges faced by families caring for developmentally disabled or handicapped children. We believe that the possibility of deformity or mental handicap is not sufficient reason to choose abortion.<br />
<br />
===There are times when deeply held values come in conflict with each other.===<br />
<br />
We stress the importance of respect for the life of the fetus. We condone abortion only under the most exceptional of circumstances. When abortion appears to be the least bad choice among several undesirable options, we stress the need for discernment in the faith community.<br />
<br />
Because of the diversity of moral conviction in our society, we realize that what the law permits is not necessarily moral behavior for the Christian. We believe, however, that the church should witness to society in favor of the "general presumption against any human decision to terminate life."8 We will offer counsel about alternatives to abortion.<br />
<br />
While many could support legislation which seeks to curtail some types of abortion, we recognize that legislation banning all abortions will not stop abortions from happening. Instead, it places sanctions on those women who choose abortion, without regard for the fathers involved or the fact that the women are already suffering the consequences of their choice. It also disproportionately affects the poor, as those with means will be able to find ways to obtain safe abortions. Further, legislation isusing the government to force others to comply with our Christian standards, something our forebears clearly rejected. We believe that the demands of discipleship are to be accepted voluntarily, not imposed legally upon everyone regardless of conviction.<br />
<br />
===The faith community should be a place for discernment.===<br />
<br />
We believe that the New Testament pictures the church as a community (koinonia), which seeks to discern the will of God and take responsibility as a group for decisions. The emphasis on individual rights and autonomy in our society has deeply affected our community. To call for discernment in the community of faith is counter-cultural in the extreme. We urge members of the faith community to engage in a discerning process rather than making decisions in isolation. We recognize that such a process will usually involve only a small group within a congregation. Through this process of counsel and mutual accountability the church may promote a standard without insisting on uniformity for all. The individual woman or couple must finally decide on the question of abortion. We believe the larger community should be available for counsel to those making the decision.<br />
<br />
We urge pastors and congregations to foster a climate of openness so that these decisions can be worked out prayerfully in the context of Christian community. We believe that the community should be supportive of a woman or couple, sharing the responsibility for, and burden of, that decision. This would include sharing in the responsibility for the care of that person or family if a continued pregnancy leads to the birth of a child that brings hardship on a family or individual.<br />
<br />
===Abortion should not be used to interrupt unwanted pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
We support responsible decisions to limit family size. We believe that when pregnancy is not desired, responsible men and women will take responsibility for their sexual behavior. We do not support the use of abortion as a means of birth control or for limitation of family size.<br />
<br />
===We are committed to providing care and support for those infants who are carried to term.===<br />
<br />
We will seek creative alternatives to abortion that will enhance the well-being of mother, father, and child. We commit ourselves to show concern for individuals who place their children for adoption. The faith community should be ready to support financially, and in other ways, the families of all children, including those who are developmentally disabled.<br />
<br />
The church should witness to society regarding the value of all human life.<br />
<br />
We will promote consistency in favor of human life along the entire spectrum of human existence. We stand in opposition to sacrifice of life in the womb, in the death chamber, and through war in all its forms.<br />
<br />
===We commit ourselves to support professional caregivers.===<br />
<br />
We know that the church has often left the difficult task of dealing with persons facing abortion to the professionals in medicine, law, mental health, or social work. We commit ourselves to support our professionals whose ministry includes dealing with moral dilemmas of abortion and reproductive issues. When a person for reasons of conscience chooses not to perform or participate in performing abortions, we will advocate on their behalf.<br />
<br />
===We will advocate for a society that does not rely on abortion as the primary solution to problem pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
Historically we have affirmed the high value of human life and we continue to do so. We express deep dismay over the millions of abortions in North America since the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973. Three of ten conceptions (approximately 1.5 million each year) end in destruction of the fetus.9 On the 30th anniversary of Roe v. Wade, we restate the biblical call for preservation of life even as we recognize the difficulty of addressing moral issues by government legislation.<br />
<br />
We recognize that within our fellowship, we hold a wide variety of convictions about abortion. We acknowledge that there are situations in which some Christians may seek abortions for what other Christians regard as selfish or inadequate reasons.<br />
<br />
===We will act with compassion toward those who choose to have an abortion.===<br />
<br />
We will support persons who are suffering as a result of their decision to have an abortion. We have too often failed to care, nurture, and support the mother or family with an unwanted pregnancy.<br />
<br />
===We seek to become a more compassionate body, rather than judgmental of those with unwanted pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
The Bible reflects an attitude of compassion toward the sinner. Jesus’ harshest words were directed against the self-righteous. He warned against judging others. He spent much time with outcasts and sinners and he told those who caught the woman in an act of adultery, "Let anyone among you who is without sin be the first to throw a stone at her" (John 8:7). We believe that persons who have an abortion for reasons regarded by others in the Christian community as wrong should be treated with love, so that Jesus’ word of redemption may become operative: "Go your way and from now on do not sin again" (John 8:11).<br />
<br />
===We commit ourselves to work for a just health care system that will assist poor families in caring for their children.===<br />
<br />
Because we are concerned about just health care for all, we will:<br />
<br />
* Recognize that protests against abortion have greater integrity when they are combined with concern for all human life.<br />
* Commit ourselves to work for a just health care system that will assist poor families in caring for their children, thus eliminating conditions that help create a culture of abortion.<br />
* Urge our members to consider becoming adoptive or foster parents to care for abused and unwanted children.<br />
* Become persistent advocates for a national health care policy which controls costs while emphasizing quality care. 10 (From MC and GC Delegate Assembly Resolutions on Health Care, 1992 and 1993)<br />
* We believe that the use of abortion among the poor is driven at times by the inequities and gaps in the present health care system. An informed woman with financial resources has always been able to get a safe abortion while a poor woman who is less informed has resorted to abortions under expensive, dangerous, and clandestine conditions. <br><br />
We affirm life even as we grieve the conditions that lead persons to consider abortion.<br />
<br />
==V. A call to the congregation==<br />
The congregation can be a place of healing or a hostile place for persons who have had or are considering abortion. We give a high value to life and also respond with compassion to those who may be considering abortion. We believe the body of Christ must hold these positions in tension.<br />
<br />
We call on congregations to form caring teams who are able to walk with individuals seeking guidance as they deal with unexpected and unwanted pregnancies. If we want to create safe places in our congregations where people can talk about their problems, we must learn to listen in a non-judgmental way to those who fail to live up to their best intentions.<br />
<br />
We call on pastors and congregational leaders to address issues of sexuality and appropriate sexual expression in sermons, in Sunday school classes, and in premarital counseling. We believe congregations offer life to their communities by being involved in community organizations that support adoption and foster care.<br />
<br />
We commit ourselves to provide Christian education about human sexuality for both young and old and to foster understanding of various means by which pregnancy can be prevented when it is not desired. We commit ourselves to teaching sexual chastity before marriage and faithfulness in marriage.<br />
<br />
We believe congregations have the ability to talk about abortion, express their commitment to Scripture, and discern its meaning for today. In many congregations, there are persons who can share their experiences of being parents, doctors, lawyers, pastors, nurses, and social workers.<br />
<br />
A difficult moral issue like abortion requires ongoing study and discussion. We commit ourselves to continue to search for God’s will in this matter even as we continue to speak out against abortion. We are sure that God’s love in Jesus Christ binds us together in this search:<br />
<br />
"For now we see in a mirror, dimly, but then we will see face to face. Now I know only in part; then I will know fully, even as I have been fully known. And now faith, hope, and love abide, these three; and the greatest of these is love" (1 Cor.13:12-13).<br />
<br />
===Reference Committee===<br />
<br />
The reference committee for this statement included:<br />
<br />
* Committee members from Constituency Leaders Council: Leah Ann Alcazar, Yvonne Bailey, Elaine Good, Felipe Hinojosa, Janeen Bertsche Johnson, Ed Kauffman, Joe Longacher<br />
* Consultants from Anabaptist Center for Health Care Ethics: Anne Hershberger, George Stoltzfus (writer)<br />
* Staff from Mennonite Church USA Executive Board: J. Ron Byler, Kathryn Rodgers<br />
<br />
===Recommended reading===<br />
<br />
* Alderfer, Edwin and Helen, eds. ''Life and Values''. Mennonite Publishing House, 1974.<br />
* Birky, Luke. "When is Life?" ''Gospel Herald'', January 30, 1968.<br />
* Bork, Robert H. "Inconvenient Lives," ''First Things'', December 1996.<br />
* Brenneman, George. "Abortion: Review of Mennonite Literature, 1970–1977," ''Mennonite Quarterly Review'', April 1979.<br />
* Burke, Theresa, and David C. Reardon. ''Forbidden Grief: The Unspoken Pain of Abortion''. Acorn Books, 1992.<br />
* ''Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective''. Herald Press, 1995.<br />
* Friesen, Duane. ''Moral Issues in the Control of Birth''. Faith & Life Press, 1974.<br />
* Goodwin, Thomas Murphy. "Medicalizing Abortion Decisions," ''First Things'', March 1996.<br />
* Harrison, Beverly Wildung.'' Our Right to Choose''. Beacon Press, 1983.<br />
* Hays, Richard B. ''The Moral Vision of the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament Ethics''. Harper Collins, 1996.<br />
* Keller, Richard F. "In Favor of Life," ''Gospel Herald'', September 2, 1975.<br />
* Kropf, Marlene Y. "How I Decided about Abortion," ''Christian Living'', November 1972.<br />
* Mennonite Central Committee Abortion Packet. Revised 2001.<br />
* Oswald, Laurie L. "Witnessing for Life," ''Mennonite Weekly Review'', January 13, 2000.<br />
* Ring-Cassidy, Elizabeth, and Ian Genties. ''Women's Health After Abortion: The Medical and Psychological Evidence''. The deVeber Institute, 2002.<br />
* Rudy, Kathy. ''Beyond Pro-Life and Pro-Choice: Moral Diversity in the Abortion Debate''. Beacon Press, 1996.<br />
* Sider, Ronald J. ''Completely Pro-Life: Building a Consistent Stance''. Intervarsity Press, 1987.<br />
* Strahan, Tom, ed. ''Detrimental Effects of Abortion: An Annotated Bibliography with Commentary''. Acorn Publishing, 2001.<br />
* Wennburg, Robert N. ''Life in the Balance: Exploring the Abortion Controversy''. William P. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1985.<br />
* "Who Lives, Who Dies? The Disturbing Logic of Peter Singer," ''The Christian Century'', July 3–10,2002.<br />
* Yoder, John Howard. "The Biblical Evaluation of Human Life," a 1973 address delivered at the Mennonite Medical Association Abortion Study. Copies available through the office of the Anabaptist Center for Health Care Ethics.<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July 2003<br />
<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
<ol><br />
1 Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective, Herald Press, 1995, Article VI, p. 28.<br />
<br />
2 All biblical quotations are from the NRSV. [Linked Internet scriptures are NIV.]<br />
<br />
3 The Moral Vision of the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament Ethics by Richard B. Hays, Harper Collins, 1996, pp. 455–456.<br />
<br />
4 John Howard Yoder (see recommended reading) speaks of a “prejudice in favor of the defenseless.”<br />
<br />
5 Although this has historically been the interpretation of the text, some people interpret it to mean that there is a live birth. They therefore believe the text does not support making a distinction between the status of the fetus and the mother.<br />
<br />
6 See Hays, p. 455, for a more complete discussion.<br />
<br />
7 “Who Lives? Who Dies? The Disturbing Logic of Peter Singer,” The Christian Century, July 3-10, 2002, pp. 24-29.<br />
<br />
8 See Hays, pp. 455-456.<br />
<br />
9 “Inconvenient Lives,” First Things, December 1996, p. 9.<br />
<br />
10 See Resolution on Health Care endorsed by GCMC and MC delegates in 1992 and 1993, respectively.<br />
</ol></div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Abortion_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10893
Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T20:36:20Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Reference Committee */</p>
<hr />
<div>Based on former [[Mennonite Church]] (1975) and [[General Conference Mennonite Church]] (1980) statements. Adopted by the 2003 Delegate Assembly.<br />
<br />
==I. Preamble==<br />
"We believe that God has created human beings in the divine image. God formed them from the dust of the earth and gave them a special dignity among all the works of creation. Human beings have been made for relationship with God, to live in peace with each other, and to take care of the rest of creation."1 (Article VI, Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective)<br />
<br />
==II. We believe==<br />
* Human life is a gift from God to be valued and protected. We oppose abortion because it runs counter to biblical principles.<br />
* The fetus in its earliest stages (and even if imperfect by human standards) shares humanity with those who conceived it.<br />
* There are times when deeply held values, such as saving the life of the mother and saving the life of the fetus, come in conflict with each other.<br />
* The faith community should be a place for discernment about difficult issues like abortion.<br />
* Abortion should not be used to interrupt unwanted pregnancies.<br />
* Christians must provide viable alternatives to abortion that provide care and support for mothers and infants.<br />
* The church should witness to society regarding the value of all human life.<br />
* Professionals whose ministry involves dealing with the moral dilemmas of abortion and reproductive technologies need our support.<br />
==III. We confess==<br />
* We have failed to offer a clear voice affirming life as an alternative to our society’s frequent reliance upon abortion as the solution to problem pregnancies.<br />
* We have failed to show compassion for those who are suffering the consequences of abortion.<br />
* We have failed to work for a just health care system that would assist poor families in caring for their children.<br />
==IV. Commentary2 (corresponding to Sections II and III)==<br />
===Human life is a gift from God to be valued and protected.===<br />
<br />
Humanity and humans have a special place in God’s creation. The Bible teaches that all human life is a gift of God and of immeasurable worth in His sight:<br />
<br />
* The Psalmist speaks of God’s intimate involvement in the creation of human life. "For it was you who formed my inward parts; you knit me together in my mother’s womb. I praise you, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made. Wonderful are your works; that I know very well" (Psalm 139:13, 14).<br />
* Abortion runs counter to biblical principles which give a high value to human life. "Portrayal of God as the author and giver of life creates a general presumption against any human decision to terminate life."3<br />
* We are created in God’s image (Genesis 1:26, 27; Genesis 2:7-9; Genesis 9:6; Psalm 8).<br />
* We are protected and admonished by the commandment, "You shall not murder" (Exodus 20:13).<br />
* We are instructed to act in the best interests of our neighbor (Matthew 22:39; John 15:17; Romans 13:8-10; 1 Corinthians 10:24).<br />
* Throughout the Bible, we are called to demonstrate special concern for the defenseless, the widow, the orphan, the oppressed, the stranger, and the one who has no advocate. Though the Bible does not explicitly say so, in our day concern for the "defenseless" should also extend to the fetus.4<br />
===The fetus in its earliest stages (and even if imperfect by human standards) shares humanity with those who conceived it.===<br />
<br />
The Bible does not speak directly to the question of abortion. A biblical passage that indirectly speaks to the status of the fetus (Exodus 21:22-25) seems to place a higher value on the life of the mother than the fetus. For the death of the fetus, the husband is to be compensated with money, but where the wife suffers hurt or death, there shall be "life for life, eye for eye."5 The Bible places a high value on the life of the fetus, though it does not necessarily support its defense to the exclusion of all other considerations.<br />
<br />
We understand that the fetus is not just a piece of tissue to be discarded at will. On the other hand, neither is the fetus treated as a human/person in the full sense of that term. Human life begins at conception. We agree that any attempt to define the beginning of humanness at a point along the spectrum of development is a mistake, tempting as it may be.6 At the same time, our martyr tradition and our hope in eternal life do not insist that human life trumps all other values.<br />
<br />
Most people will choose the life of the mother if a choice must be made about the survival of either the mother or the fetus. In those rare situations when a choice must be made between the life of the mother and the life of the unborn child, Christians should prayerfully seek the guidance of the Holy Spirit with a group of believers committed to discerning the will of God.<br />
<br />
Even though we wish every child to have a healthy body and a strong mind, the lack of such does not make the child less a person in God’s sight. Some persons7 pose a test of "personhood." For utilitarians, personhood requires higher thought processes called "preferences."<br />
<br />
Such persons believe that since a fetus or newborn has few, if any, preferences, it should not be recognized as a person. We believe that such a test of personhood could lead to screening fetuses in order to eliminate people with disabilities or those with genetic diseases that will likely limit their life or restrict the enjoyment of life. For many families, the presence of a handicapped child has become the source of great joy. At the same time, we recognize the special challenges faced by families caring for developmentally disabled or handicapped children. We believe that the possibility of deformity or mental handicap is not sufficient reason to choose abortion.<br />
<br />
===There are times when deeply held values come in conflict with each other.===<br />
<br />
We stress the importance of respect for the life of the fetus. We condone abortion only under the most exceptional of circumstances. When abortion appears to be the least bad choice among several undesirable options, we stress the need for discernment in the faith community.<br />
<br />
Because of the diversity of moral conviction in our society, we realize that what the law permits is not necessarily moral behavior for the Christian. We believe, however, that the church should witness to society in favor of the "general presumption against any human decision to terminate life."8 We will offer counsel about alternatives to abortion.<br />
<br />
While many could support legislation which seeks to curtail some types of abortion, we recognize that legislation banning all abortions will not stop abortions from happening. Instead, it places sanctions on those women who choose abortion, without regard for the fathers involved or the fact that the women are already suffering the consequences of their choice. It also disproportionately affects the poor, as those with means will be able to find ways to obtain safe abortions. Further, legislation isusing the government to force others to comply with our Christian standards, something our forebears clearly rejected. We believe that the demands of discipleship are to be accepted voluntarily, not imposed legally upon everyone regardless of conviction.<br />
<br />
===The faith community should be a place for discernment.===<br />
<br />
We believe that the New Testament pictures the church as a community (koinonia), which seeks to discern the will of God and take responsibility as a group for decisions. The emphasis on individual rights and autonomy in our society has deeply affected our community. To call for discernment in the community of faith is counter-cultural in the extreme. We urge members of the faith community to engage in a discerning process rather than making decisions in isolation. We recognize that such a process will usually involve only a small group within a congregation. Through this process of counsel and mutual accountability the church may promote a standard without insisting on uniformity for all. The individual woman or couple must finally decide on the question of abortion. We believe the larger community should be available for counsel to those making the decision.<br />
<br />
We urge pastors and congregations to foster a climate of openness so that these decisions can be worked out prayerfully in the context of Christian community. We believe that the community should be supportive of a woman or couple, sharing the responsibility for, and burden of, that decision. This would include sharing in the responsibility for the care of that person or family if a continued pregnancy leads to the birth of a child that brings hardship on a family or individual.<br />
<br />
===Abortion should not be used to interrupt unwanted pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
We support responsible decisions to limit family size. We believe that when pregnancy is not desired, responsible men and women will take responsibility for their sexual behavior. We do not support the use of abortion as a means of birth control or for limitation of family size.<br />
<br />
===We are committed to providing care and support for those infants who are carried to term.===<br />
<br />
We will seek creative alternatives to abortion that will enhance the well-being of mother, father, and child. We commit ourselves to show concern for individuals who place their children for adoption. The faith community should be ready to support financially, and in other ways, the families of all children, including those who are developmentally disabled.<br />
<br />
The church should witness to society regarding the value of all human life.<br />
<br />
We will promote consistency in favor of human life along the entire spectrum of human existence. We stand in opposition to sacrifice of life in the womb, in the death chamber, and through war in all its forms.<br />
<br />
===We commit ourselves to support professional caregivers.===<br />
<br />
We know that the church has often left the difficult task of dealing with persons facing abortion to the professionals in medicine, law, mental health, or social work. We commit ourselves to support our professionals whose ministry includes dealing with moral dilemmas of abortion and reproductive issues. When a person for reasons of conscience chooses not to perform or participate in performing abortions, we will advocate on their behalf.<br />
<br />
===We will advocate for a society that does not rely on abortion as the primary solution to problem pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
Historically we have affirmed the high value of human life and we continue to do so. We express deep dismay over the millions of abortions in North America since the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973. Three of ten conceptions (approximately 1.5 million each year) end in destruction of the fetus.9 On the 30th anniversary of Roe v. Wade, we restate the biblical call for preservation of life even as we recognize the difficulty of addressing moral issues by government legislation.<br />
<br />
We recognize that within our fellowship, we hold a wide variety of convictions about abortion. We acknowledge that there are situations in which some Christians may seek abortions for what other Christians regard as selfish or inadequate reasons.<br />
<br />
===We will act with compassion toward those who choose to have an abortion.===<br />
<br />
We will support persons who are suffering as a result of their decision to have an abortion. We have too often failed to care, nurture, and support the mother or family with an unwanted pregnancy.<br />
<br />
===We seek to become a more compassionate body, rather than judgmental of those with unwanted pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
The Bible reflects an attitude of compassion toward the sinner. Jesus’ harshest words were directed against the self-righteous. He warned against judging others. He spent much time with outcasts and sinners and he told those who caught the woman in an act of adultery, "Let anyone among you who is without sin be the first to throw a stone at her" (John 8:7). We believe that persons who have an abortion for reasons regarded by others in the Christian community as wrong should be treated with love, so that Jesus’ word of redemption may become operative: "Go your way and from now on do not sin again" (John 8:11).<br />
<br />
===We commit ourselves to work for a just health care system that will assist poor families in caring for their children.===<br />
<br />
Because we are concerned about just health care for all, we will:<br />
<br />
* Recognize that protests against abortion have greater integrity when they are combined with concern for all human life.<br />
* Commit ourselves to work for a just health care system that will assist poor families in caring for their children, thus eliminating conditions that help create a culture of abortion.<br />
* Urge our members to consider becoming adoptive or foster parents to care for abused and unwanted children.<br />
* Become persistent advocates for a national health care policy which controls costs while emphasizing quality care. 10 (From MC and GC Delegate Assembly Resolutions on Health Care, 1992 and 1993)<br />
* We believe that the use of abortion among the poor is driven at times by the inequities and gaps in the present health care system. An informed woman with financial resources has always been able to get a safe abortion while a poor woman who is less informed has resorted to abortions under expensive, dangerous, and clandestine conditions. <br><br />
We affirm life even as we grieve the conditions that lead persons to consider abortion.<br />
<br />
==V. A call to the congregation==<br />
The congregation can be a place of healing or a hostile place for persons who have had or are considering abortion. We give a high value to life and also respond with compassion to those who may be considering abortion. We believe the body of Christ must hold these positions in tension.<br />
<br />
We call on congregations to form caring teams who are able to walk with individuals seeking guidance as they deal with unexpected and unwanted pregnancies. If we want to create safe places in our congregations where people can talk about their problems, we must learn to listen in a non-judgmental way to those who fail to live up to their best intentions.<br />
<br />
We call on pastors and congregational leaders to address issues of sexuality and appropriate sexual expression in sermons, in Sunday school classes, and in premarital counseling. We believe congregations offer life to their communities by being involved in community organizations that support adoption and foster care.<br />
<br />
We commit ourselves to provide Christian education about human sexuality for both young and old and to foster understanding of various means by which pregnancy can be prevented when it is not desired. We commit ourselves to teaching sexual chastity before marriage and faithfulness in marriage.<br />
<br />
We believe congregations have the ability to talk about abortion, express their commitment to Scripture, and discern its meaning for today. In many congregations, there are persons who can share their experiences of being parents, doctors, lawyers, pastors, nurses, and social workers.<br />
<br />
A difficult moral issue like abortion requires ongoing study and discussion. We commit ourselves to continue to search for God’s will in this matter even as we continue to speak out against abortion. We are sure that God’s love in Jesus Christ binds us together in this search:<br />
<br />
"For now we see in a mirror, dimly, but then we will see face to face. Now I know only in part; then I will know fully, even as I have been fully known. And now faith, hope, and love abide, these three; and the greatest of these is love" (1 Cor.13:12-13).<br />
<br />
===Reference Committee===<br />
<br />
The reference committee for this statement included:<br />
<br />
* Committee members from Constituency Leaders Council: Leah Ann Alcazar, Yvonne Bailey, Elaine Good, Felipe Hinojosa, Janeen Bertsche Johnson, Ed Kauffman, Joe Longacher<br />
* Consultants from Anabaptist Center for Health Care Ethics: Anne Hershberger, George Stoltzfus (writer)<br />
* Staff from Mennonite Church USA Executive Board: J. Ron Byler, Kathryn Rodgers<br />
<br />
===Recommended reading===<br />
<br />
Alderfer, Edwin and Helen, eds. Life and Values. Mennonite Publishing House, 1974.<br />
Birky, Luke. "When is Life?" Gospel Herald, January 30, 1968.<br />
Bork, Robert H. "Inconvenient Lives," First Things, December 1996.<br />
Brenneman, George. "Abortion: Review of Mennonite Literature, 1970–1977," Mennonite Quarterly Review, April 1979.<br />
Burke, Theresa, and David C. Reardon. Forbidden Grief: The Unspoken Pain ofAbortion. Acorn Books, 1992.<br />
Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective. Herald Press, 1995.<br />
Friesen, Duane. Moral Issues in the Control of Birth. Faith & Life Press, 1974.<br />
Goodwin, Thomas Murphy. "Medicalizing Abortion Decisions," First Things, March 1996.<br />
Harrison, Beverly Wildung. Our Right to Choose. Beacon Press, 1983.<br />
Hays, Richard B. The Moral Vision of the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament Ethics. Harper Collins, 1996.<br />
Keller, Richard F. "In Favor of Life," Gospel Herald, September 2, 1975.<br />
Kropf, Marlene Y. "How I Decided about Abortion," Christian Living, November 1972.<br />
Mennonite Central Committee Abortion Packet. Revised 2001.<br />
Oswald, Laurie L. "Witnessing for Life," Mennonite Weekly Review, January 13, 2000.<br />
Ring-Cassidy, Elizabeth, and Ian Genties. Women's Health After Abortion: The Medical and Psychological Evidence. The deVeber Institute, 2002.<br />
Rudy, Kathy. Beyond Pro-Life and Pro-Choice: Moral Diversity in the Abortion Debate. Beacon Press, 1996.<br />
Sider, Ronald J. Completely Pro-Life: Building a Consistent Stance. Intervarsity Press, 1987.<br />
Strahan, Tom, ed. Detrimental Effects ofAbortion: An Annotated Bibliography with Commentary. Acorn Publishing, 2001.<br />
Wennburg, Robert N. Life in the Balance: Exploring the Abortion Controversy. William P. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1985.<br />
"Who Lives, Who Dies? The Disturbing Logic of Peter Singer," The Christian Century, July 3–10,2002.<br />
Yoder, John Howard. "The Biblical Evaluation of Human Life," a 1973 address delivered at the Mennonite Medical Association Abortion Study. Copies available through the office of the Anabaptist Center for Health Care Ethics.<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July 2003<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
<ol><br />
1 Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective, Herald Press, 1995, Article VI, p. 28.<br />
<br />
2 All biblical quotations are from the NRSV. [Linked Internet scriptures are NIV.]<br />
<br />
3 The Moral Vision of the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament Ethics by Richard B. Hays, Harper Collins, 1996, pp. 455–456.<br />
<br />
4 John Howard Yoder (see recommended reading) speaks of a “prejudice in favor of the defenseless.”<br />
<br />
5 Although this has historically been the interpretation of the text, some people interpret it to mean that there is a live birth. They therefore believe the text does not support making a distinction between the status of the fetus and the mother.<br />
<br />
6 See Hays, p. 455, for a more complete discussion.<br />
<br />
7 “Who Lives? Who Dies? The Disturbing Logic of Peter Singer,” The Christian Century, July 3-10, 2002, pp. 24-29.<br />
<br />
8 See Hays, pp. 455-456.<br />
<br />
9 “Inconvenient Lives,” First Things, December 1996, p. 9.<br />
<br />
10 See Resolution on Health Care endorsed by GCMC and MC delegates in 1992 and 1993, respectively.<br />
</ol></div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Abortion_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10892
Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T20:35:43Z
<p>Hannahec: /* We commit ourselves to work for a just health care system that will assist poor families in caring for their children. */</p>
<hr />
<div>Based on former [[Mennonite Church]] (1975) and [[General Conference Mennonite Church]] (1980) statements. Adopted by the 2003 Delegate Assembly.<br />
<br />
==I. Preamble==<br />
"We believe that God has created human beings in the divine image. God formed them from the dust of the earth and gave them a special dignity among all the works of creation. Human beings have been made for relationship with God, to live in peace with each other, and to take care of the rest of creation."1 (Article VI, Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective)<br />
<br />
==II. We believe==<br />
* Human life is a gift from God to be valued and protected. We oppose abortion because it runs counter to biblical principles.<br />
* The fetus in its earliest stages (and even if imperfect by human standards) shares humanity with those who conceived it.<br />
* There are times when deeply held values, such as saving the life of the mother and saving the life of the fetus, come in conflict with each other.<br />
* The faith community should be a place for discernment about difficult issues like abortion.<br />
* Abortion should not be used to interrupt unwanted pregnancies.<br />
* Christians must provide viable alternatives to abortion that provide care and support for mothers and infants.<br />
* The church should witness to society regarding the value of all human life.<br />
* Professionals whose ministry involves dealing with the moral dilemmas of abortion and reproductive technologies need our support.<br />
==III. We confess==<br />
* We have failed to offer a clear voice affirming life as an alternative to our society’s frequent reliance upon abortion as the solution to problem pregnancies.<br />
* We have failed to show compassion for those who are suffering the consequences of abortion.<br />
* We have failed to work for a just health care system that would assist poor families in caring for their children.<br />
==IV. Commentary2 (corresponding to Sections II and III)==<br />
===Human life is a gift from God to be valued and protected.===<br />
<br />
Humanity and humans have a special place in God’s creation. The Bible teaches that all human life is a gift of God and of immeasurable worth in His sight:<br />
<br />
* The Psalmist speaks of God’s intimate involvement in the creation of human life. "For it was you who formed my inward parts; you knit me together in my mother’s womb. I praise you, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made. Wonderful are your works; that I know very well" (Psalm 139:13, 14).<br />
* Abortion runs counter to biblical principles which give a high value to human life. "Portrayal of God as the author and giver of life creates a general presumption against any human decision to terminate life."3<br />
* We are created in God’s image (Genesis 1:26, 27; Genesis 2:7-9; Genesis 9:6; Psalm 8).<br />
* We are protected and admonished by the commandment, "You shall not murder" (Exodus 20:13).<br />
* We are instructed to act in the best interests of our neighbor (Matthew 22:39; John 15:17; Romans 13:8-10; 1 Corinthians 10:24).<br />
* Throughout the Bible, we are called to demonstrate special concern for the defenseless, the widow, the orphan, the oppressed, the stranger, and the one who has no advocate. Though the Bible does not explicitly say so, in our day concern for the "defenseless" should also extend to the fetus.4<br />
===The fetus in its earliest stages (and even if imperfect by human standards) shares humanity with those who conceived it.===<br />
<br />
The Bible does not speak directly to the question of abortion. A biblical passage that indirectly speaks to the status of the fetus (Exodus 21:22-25) seems to place a higher value on the life of the mother than the fetus. For the death of the fetus, the husband is to be compensated with money, but where the wife suffers hurt or death, there shall be "life for life, eye for eye."5 The Bible places a high value on the life of the fetus, though it does not necessarily support its defense to the exclusion of all other considerations.<br />
<br />
We understand that the fetus is not just a piece of tissue to be discarded at will. On the other hand, neither is the fetus treated as a human/person in the full sense of that term. Human life begins at conception. We agree that any attempt to define the beginning of humanness at a point along the spectrum of development is a mistake, tempting as it may be.6 At the same time, our martyr tradition and our hope in eternal life do not insist that human life trumps all other values.<br />
<br />
Most people will choose the life of the mother if a choice must be made about the survival of either the mother or the fetus. In those rare situations when a choice must be made between the life of the mother and the life of the unborn child, Christians should prayerfully seek the guidance of the Holy Spirit with a group of believers committed to discerning the will of God.<br />
<br />
Even though we wish every child to have a healthy body and a strong mind, the lack of such does not make the child less a person in God’s sight. Some persons7 pose a test of "personhood." For utilitarians, personhood requires higher thought processes called "preferences."<br />
<br />
Such persons believe that since a fetus or newborn has few, if any, preferences, it should not be recognized as a person. We believe that such a test of personhood could lead to screening fetuses in order to eliminate people with disabilities or those with genetic diseases that will likely limit their life or restrict the enjoyment of life. For many families, the presence of a handicapped child has become the source of great joy. At the same time, we recognize the special challenges faced by families caring for developmentally disabled or handicapped children. We believe that the possibility of deformity or mental handicap is not sufficient reason to choose abortion.<br />
<br />
===There are times when deeply held values come in conflict with each other.===<br />
<br />
We stress the importance of respect for the life of the fetus. We condone abortion only under the most exceptional of circumstances. When abortion appears to be the least bad choice among several undesirable options, we stress the need for discernment in the faith community.<br />
<br />
Because of the diversity of moral conviction in our society, we realize that what the law permits is not necessarily moral behavior for the Christian. We believe, however, that the church should witness to society in favor of the "general presumption against any human decision to terminate life."8 We will offer counsel about alternatives to abortion.<br />
<br />
While many could support legislation which seeks to curtail some types of abortion, we recognize that legislation banning all abortions will not stop abortions from happening. Instead, it places sanctions on those women who choose abortion, without regard for the fathers involved or the fact that the women are already suffering the consequences of their choice. It also disproportionately affects the poor, as those with means will be able to find ways to obtain safe abortions. Further, legislation isusing the government to force others to comply with our Christian standards, something our forebears clearly rejected. We believe that the demands of discipleship are to be accepted voluntarily, not imposed legally upon everyone regardless of conviction.<br />
<br />
===The faith community should be a place for discernment.===<br />
<br />
We believe that the New Testament pictures the church as a community (koinonia), which seeks to discern the will of God and take responsibility as a group for decisions. The emphasis on individual rights and autonomy in our society has deeply affected our community. To call for discernment in the community of faith is counter-cultural in the extreme. We urge members of the faith community to engage in a discerning process rather than making decisions in isolation. We recognize that such a process will usually involve only a small group within a congregation. Through this process of counsel and mutual accountability the church may promote a standard without insisting on uniformity for all. The individual woman or couple must finally decide on the question of abortion. We believe the larger community should be available for counsel to those making the decision.<br />
<br />
We urge pastors and congregations to foster a climate of openness so that these decisions can be worked out prayerfully in the context of Christian community. We believe that the community should be supportive of a woman or couple, sharing the responsibility for, and burden of, that decision. This would include sharing in the responsibility for the care of that person or family if a continued pregnancy leads to the birth of a child that brings hardship on a family or individual.<br />
<br />
===Abortion should not be used to interrupt unwanted pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
We support responsible decisions to limit family size. We believe that when pregnancy is not desired, responsible men and women will take responsibility for their sexual behavior. We do not support the use of abortion as a means of birth control or for limitation of family size.<br />
<br />
===We are committed to providing care and support for those infants who are carried to term.===<br />
<br />
We will seek creative alternatives to abortion that will enhance the well-being of mother, father, and child. We commit ourselves to show concern for individuals who place their children for adoption. The faith community should be ready to support financially, and in other ways, the families of all children, including those who are developmentally disabled.<br />
<br />
The church should witness to society regarding the value of all human life.<br />
<br />
We will promote consistency in favor of human life along the entire spectrum of human existence. We stand in opposition to sacrifice of life in the womb, in the death chamber, and through war in all its forms.<br />
<br />
===We commit ourselves to support professional caregivers.===<br />
<br />
We know that the church has often left the difficult task of dealing with persons facing abortion to the professionals in medicine, law, mental health, or social work. We commit ourselves to support our professionals whose ministry includes dealing with moral dilemmas of abortion and reproductive issues. When a person for reasons of conscience chooses not to perform or participate in performing abortions, we will advocate on their behalf.<br />
<br />
===We will advocate for a society that does not rely on abortion as the primary solution to problem pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
Historically we have affirmed the high value of human life and we continue to do so. We express deep dismay over the millions of abortions in North America since the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973. Three of ten conceptions (approximately 1.5 million each year) end in destruction of the fetus.9 On the 30th anniversary of Roe v. Wade, we restate the biblical call for preservation of life even as we recognize the difficulty of addressing moral issues by government legislation.<br />
<br />
We recognize that within our fellowship, we hold a wide variety of convictions about abortion. We acknowledge that there are situations in which some Christians may seek abortions for what other Christians regard as selfish or inadequate reasons.<br />
<br />
===We will act with compassion toward those who choose to have an abortion.===<br />
<br />
We will support persons who are suffering as a result of their decision to have an abortion. We have too often failed to care, nurture, and support the mother or family with an unwanted pregnancy.<br />
<br />
===We seek to become a more compassionate body, rather than judgmental of those with unwanted pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
The Bible reflects an attitude of compassion toward the sinner. Jesus’ harshest words were directed against the self-righteous. He warned against judging others. He spent much time with outcasts and sinners and he told those who caught the woman in an act of adultery, "Let anyone among you who is without sin be the first to throw a stone at her" (John 8:7). We believe that persons who have an abortion for reasons regarded by others in the Christian community as wrong should be treated with love, so that Jesus’ word of redemption may become operative: "Go your way and from now on do not sin again" (John 8:11).<br />
<br />
===We commit ourselves to work for a just health care system that will assist poor families in caring for their children.===<br />
<br />
Because we are concerned about just health care for all, we will:<br />
<br />
* Recognize that protests against abortion have greater integrity when they are combined with concern for all human life.<br />
* Commit ourselves to work for a just health care system that will assist poor families in caring for their children, thus eliminating conditions that help create a culture of abortion.<br />
* Urge our members to consider becoming adoptive or foster parents to care for abused and unwanted children.<br />
* Become persistent advocates for a national health care policy which controls costs while emphasizing quality care. 10 (From MC and GC Delegate Assembly Resolutions on Health Care, 1992 and 1993)<br />
* We believe that the use of abortion among the poor is driven at times by the inequities and gaps in the present health care system. An informed woman with financial resources has always been able to get a safe abortion while a poor woman who is less informed has resorted to abortions under expensive, dangerous, and clandestine conditions. <br><br />
We affirm life even as we grieve the conditions that lead persons to consider abortion.<br />
<br />
==V. A call to the congregation==<br />
The congregation can be a place of healing or a hostile place for persons who have had or are considering abortion. We give a high value to life and also respond with compassion to those who may be considering abortion. We believe the body of Christ must hold these positions in tension.<br />
<br />
We call on congregations to form caring teams who are able to walk with individuals seeking guidance as they deal with unexpected and unwanted pregnancies. If we want to create safe places in our congregations where people can talk about their problems, we must learn to listen in a non-judgmental way to those who fail to live up to their best intentions.<br />
<br />
We call on pastors and congregational leaders to address issues of sexuality and appropriate sexual expression in sermons, in Sunday school classes, and in premarital counseling. We believe congregations offer life to their communities by being involved in community organizations that support adoption and foster care.<br />
<br />
We commit ourselves to provide Christian education about human sexuality for both young and old and to foster understanding of various means by which pregnancy can be prevented when it is not desired. We commit ourselves to teaching sexual chastity before marriage and faithfulness in marriage.<br />
<br />
We believe congregations have the ability to talk about abortion, express their commitment to Scripture, and discern its meaning for today. In many congregations, there are persons who can share their experiences of being parents, doctors, lawyers, pastors, nurses, and social workers.<br />
<br />
A difficult moral issue like abortion requires ongoing study and discussion. We commit ourselves to continue to search for God’s will in this matter even as we continue to speak out against abortion. We are sure that God’s love in Jesus Christ binds us together in this search:<br />
<br />
"For now we see in a mirror, dimly, but then we will see face to face. Now I know only in part; then I will know fully, even as I have been fully known. And now faith, hope, and love abide, these three; and the greatest of these is love" (1 Cor.13:12-13).<br />
<br />
===Reference Committee===<br />
<br />
The reference committee for this statement included:<br />
<br />
Committee members from Constituency Leaders Council: Leah Ann Alcazar, Yvonne Bailey, Elaine Good, Felipe Hinojosa, Janeen Bertsche Johnson, Ed Kauffman, Joe Longacher<br />
Consultants from Anabaptist Center for Health Care Ethics: Anne Hershberger, George Stoltzfus (writer)<br />
Staff from Mennonite Church USA Executive Board: J. Ron Byler, Kathryn Rodgers<br />
===Recommended reading===<br />
<br />
Alderfer, Edwin and Helen, eds. Life and Values. Mennonite Publishing House, 1974.<br />
Birky, Luke. "When is Life?" Gospel Herald, January 30, 1968.<br />
Bork, Robert H. "Inconvenient Lives," First Things, December 1996.<br />
Brenneman, George. "Abortion: Review of Mennonite Literature, 1970–1977," Mennonite Quarterly Review, April 1979.<br />
Burke, Theresa, and David C. Reardon. Forbidden Grief: The Unspoken Pain ofAbortion. Acorn Books, 1992.<br />
Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective. Herald Press, 1995.<br />
Friesen, Duane. Moral Issues in the Control of Birth. Faith & Life Press, 1974.<br />
Goodwin, Thomas Murphy. "Medicalizing Abortion Decisions," First Things, March 1996.<br />
Harrison, Beverly Wildung. Our Right to Choose. Beacon Press, 1983.<br />
Hays, Richard B. The Moral Vision of the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament Ethics. Harper Collins, 1996.<br />
Keller, Richard F. "In Favor of Life," Gospel Herald, September 2, 1975.<br />
Kropf, Marlene Y. "How I Decided about Abortion," Christian Living, November 1972.<br />
Mennonite Central Committee Abortion Packet. Revised 2001.<br />
Oswald, Laurie L. "Witnessing for Life," Mennonite Weekly Review, January 13, 2000.<br />
Ring-Cassidy, Elizabeth, and Ian Genties. Women's Health After Abortion: The Medical and Psychological Evidence. The deVeber Institute, 2002.<br />
Rudy, Kathy. Beyond Pro-Life and Pro-Choice: Moral Diversity in the Abortion Debate. Beacon Press, 1996.<br />
Sider, Ronald J. Completely Pro-Life: Building a Consistent Stance. Intervarsity Press, 1987.<br />
Strahan, Tom, ed. Detrimental Effects ofAbortion: An Annotated Bibliography with Commentary. Acorn Publishing, 2001.<br />
Wennburg, Robert N. Life in the Balance: Exploring the Abortion Controversy. William P. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1985.<br />
"Who Lives, Who Dies? The Disturbing Logic of Peter Singer," The Christian Century, July 3–10,2002.<br />
Yoder, John Howard. "The Biblical Evaluation of Human Life," a 1973 address delivered at the Mennonite Medical Association Abortion Study. Copies available through the office of the Anabaptist Center for Health Care Ethics.<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July 2003<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
<ol><br />
1 Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective, Herald Press, 1995, Article VI, p. 28.<br />
<br />
2 All biblical quotations are from the NRSV. [Linked Internet scriptures are NIV.]<br />
<br />
3 The Moral Vision of the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament Ethics by Richard B. Hays, Harper Collins, 1996, pp. 455–456.<br />
<br />
4 John Howard Yoder (see recommended reading) speaks of a “prejudice in favor of the defenseless.”<br />
<br />
5 Although this has historically been the interpretation of the text, some people interpret it to mean that there is a live birth. They therefore believe the text does not support making a distinction between the status of the fetus and the mother.<br />
<br />
6 See Hays, p. 455, for a more complete discussion.<br />
<br />
7 “Who Lives? Who Dies? The Disturbing Logic of Peter Singer,” The Christian Century, July 3-10, 2002, pp. 24-29.<br />
<br />
8 See Hays, pp. 455-456.<br />
<br />
9 “Inconvenient Lives,” First Things, December 1996, p. 9.<br />
<br />
10 See Resolution on Health Care endorsed by GCMC and MC delegates in 1992 and 1993, respectively.<br />
</ol></div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_Abortion_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2003)&diff=10891
Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)
2012-07-06T20:34:15Z
<p>Hannahec: Created page with "Based on former Mennonite Church (1975) and General Conference Mennonite Church (1980) statements. Adopted by the 2003 Delegate Assembly. ==I. Preamble== "We believe ..."</p>
<hr />
<div>Based on former [[Mennonite Church]] (1975) and [[General Conference Mennonite Church]] (1980) statements. Adopted by the 2003 Delegate Assembly.<br />
<br />
==I. Preamble==<br />
"We believe that God has created human beings in the divine image. God formed them from the dust of the earth and gave them a special dignity among all the works of creation. Human beings have been made for relationship with God, to live in peace with each other, and to take care of the rest of creation."1 (Article VI, Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective)<br />
<br />
==II. We believe==<br />
* Human life is a gift from God to be valued and protected. We oppose abortion because it runs counter to biblical principles.<br />
* The fetus in its earliest stages (and even if imperfect by human standards) shares humanity with those who conceived it.<br />
* There are times when deeply held values, such as saving the life of the mother and saving the life of the fetus, come in conflict with each other.<br />
* The faith community should be a place for discernment about difficult issues like abortion.<br />
* Abortion should not be used to interrupt unwanted pregnancies.<br />
* Christians must provide viable alternatives to abortion that provide care and support for mothers and infants.<br />
* The church should witness to society regarding the value of all human life.<br />
* Professionals whose ministry involves dealing with the moral dilemmas of abortion and reproductive technologies need our support.<br />
==III. We confess==<br />
* We have failed to offer a clear voice affirming life as an alternative to our society’s frequent reliance upon abortion as the solution to problem pregnancies.<br />
* We have failed to show compassion for those who are suffering the consequences of abortion.<br />
* We have failed to work for a just health care system that would assist poor families in caring for their children.<br />
==IV. Commentary2 (corresponding to Sections II and III)==<br />
===Human life is a gift from God to be valued and protected.===<br />
<br />
Humanity and humans have a special place in God’s creation. The Bible teaches that all human life is a gift of God and of immeasurable worth in His sight:<br />
<br />
* The Psalmist speaks of God’s intimate involvement in the creation of human life. "For it was you who formed my inward parts; you knit me together in my mother’s womb. I praise you, for I am fearfully and wonderfully made. Wonderful are your works; that I know very well" (Psalm 139:13, 14).<br />
* Abortion runs counter to biblical principles which give a high value to human life. "Portrayal of God as the author and giver of life creates a general presumption against any human decision to terminate life."3<br />
* We are created in God’s image (Genesis 1:26, 27; Genesis 2:7-9; Genesis 9:6; Psalm 8).<br />
* We are protected and admonished by the commandment, "You shall not murder" (Exodus 20:13).<br />
* We are instructed to act in the best interests of our neighbor (Matthew 22:39; John 15:17; Romans 13:8-10; 1 Corinthians 10:24).<br />
* Throughout the Bible, we are called to demonstrate special concern for the defenseless, the widow, the orphan, the oppressed, the stranger, and the one who has no advocate. Though the Bible does not explicitly say so, in our day concern for the "defenseless" should also extend to the fetus.4<br />
===The fetus in its earliest stages (and even if imperfect by human standards) shares humanity with those who conceived it.===<br />
<br />
The Bible does not speak directly to the question of abortion. A biblical passage that indirectly speaks to the status of the fetus (Exodus 21:22-25) seems to place a higher value on the life of the mother than the fetus. For the death of the fetus, the husband is to be compensated with money, but where the wife suffers hurt or death, there shall be "life for life, eye for eye."5 The Bible places a high value on the life of the fetus, though it does not necessarily support its defense to the exclusion of all other considerations.<br />
<br />
We understand that the fetus is not just a piece of tissue to be discarded at will. On the other hand, neither is the fetus treated as a human/person in the full sense of that term. Human life begins at conception. We agree that any attempt to define the beginning of humanness at a point along the spectrum of development is a mistake, tempting as it may be.6 At the same time, our martyr tradition and our hope in eternal life do not insist that human life trumps all other values.<br />
<br />
Most people will choose the life of the mother if a choice must be made about the survival of either the mother or the fetus. In those rare situations when a choice must be made between the life of the mother and the life of the unborn child, Christians should prayerfully seek the guidance of the Holy Spirit with a group of believers committed to discerning the will of God.<br />
<br />
Even though we wish every child to have a healthy body and a strong mind, the lack of such does not make the child less a person in God’s sight. Some persons7 pose a test of "personhood." For utilitarians, personhood requires higher thought processes called "preferences."<br />
<br />
Such persons believe that since a fetus or newborn has few, if any, preferences, it should not be recognized as a person. We believe that such a test of personhood could lead to screening fetuses in order to eliminate people with disabilities or those with genetic diseases that will likely limit their life or restrict the enjoyment of life. For many families, the presence of a handicapped child has become the source of great joy. At the same time, we recognize the special challenges faced by families caring for developmentally disabled or handicapped children. We believe that the possibility of deformity or mental handicap is not sufficient reason to choose abortion.<br />
<br />
===There are times when deeply held values come in conflict with each other.===<br />
<br />
We stress the importance of respect for the life of the fetus. We condone abortion only under the most exceptional of circumstances. When abortion appears to be the least bad choice among several undesirable options, we stress the need for discernment in the faith community.<br />
<br />
Because of the diversity of moral conviction in our society, we realize that what the law permits is not necessarily moral behavior for the Christian. We believe, however, that the church should witness to society in favor of the "general presumption against any human decision to terminate life."8 We will offer counsel about alternatives to abortion.<br />
<br />
While many could support legislation which seeks to curtail some types of abortion, we recognize that legislation banning all abortions will not stop abortions from happening. Instead, it places sanctions on those women who choose abortion, without regard for the fathers involved or the fact that the women are already suffering the consequences of their choice. It also disproportionately affects the poor, as those with means will be able to find ways to obtain safe abortions. Further, legislation isusing the government to force others to comply with our Christian standards, something our forebears clearly rejected. We believe that the demands of discipleship are to be accepted voluntarily, not imposed legally upon everyone regardless of conviction.<br />
<br />
===The faith community should be a place for discernment.===<br />
<br />
We believe that the New Testament pictures the church as a community (koinonia), which seeks to discern the will of God and take responsibility as a group for decisions. The emphasis on individual rights and autonomy in our society has deeply affected our community. To call for discernment in the community of faith is counter-cultural in the extreme. We urge members of the faith community to engage in a discerning process rather than making decisions in isolation. We recognize that such a process will usually involve only a small group within a congregation. Through this process of counsel and mutual accountability the church may promote a standard without insisting on uniformity for all. The individual woman or couple must finally decide on the question of abortion. We believe the larger community should be available for counsel to those making the decision.<br />
<br />
We urge pastors and congregations to foster a climate of openness so that these decisions can be worked out prayerfully in the context of Christian community. We believe that the community should be supportive of a woman or couple, sharing the responsibility for, and burden of, that decision. This would include sharing in the responsibility for the care of that person or family if a continued pregnancy leads to the birth of a child that brings hardship on a family or individual.<br />
<br />
===Abortion should not be used to interrupt unwanted pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
We support responsible decisions to limit family size. We believe that when pregnancy is not desired, responsible men and women will take responsibility for their sexual behavior. We do not support the use of abortion as a means of birth control or for limitation of family size.<br />
<br />
===We are committed to providing care and support for those infants who are carried to term.===<br />
<br />
We will seek creative alternatives to abortion that will enhance the well-being of mother, father, and child. We commit ourselves to show concern for individuals who place their children for adoption. The faith community should be ready to support financially, and in other ways, the families of all children, including those who are developmentally disabled.<br />
<br />
The church should witness to society regarding the value of all human life.<br />
<br />
We will promote consistency in favor of human life along the entire spectrum of human existence. We stand in opposition to sacrifice of life in the womb, in the death chamber, and through war in all its forms.<br />
<br />
===We commit ourselves to support professional caregivers.===<br />
<br />
We know that the church has often left the difficult task of dealing with persons facing abortion to the professionals in medicine, law, mental health, or social work. We commit ourselves to support our professionals whose ministry includes dealing with moral dilemmas of abortion and reproductive issues. When a person for reasons of conscience chooses not to perform or participate in performing abortions, we will advocate on their behalf.<br />
<br />
===We will advocate for a society that does not rely on abortion as the primary solution to problem pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
Historically we have affirmed the high value of human life and we continue to do so. We express deep dismay over the millions of abortions in North America since the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973. Three of ten conceptions (approximately 1.5 million each year) end in destruction of the fetus.9 On the 30th anniversary of Roe v. Wade, we restate the biblical call for preservation of life even as we recognize the difficulty of addressing moral issues by government legislation.<br />
<br />
We recognize that within our fellowship, we hold a wide variety of convictions about abortion. We acknowledge that there are situations in which some Christians may seek abortions for what other Christians regard as selfish or inadequate reasons.<br />
<br />
===We will act with compassion toward those who choose to have an abortion.===<br />
<br />
We will support persons who are suffering as a result of their decision to have an abortion. We have too often failed to care, nurture, and support the mother or family with an unwanted pregnancy.<br />
<br />
===We seek to become a more compassionate body, rather than judgmental of those with unwanted pregnancies.===<br />
<br />
The Bible reflects an attitude of compassion toward the sinner. Jesus’ harshest words were directed against the self-righteous. He warned against judging others. He spent much time with outcasts and sinners and he told those who caught the woman in an act of adultery, "Let anyone among you who is without sin be the first to throw a stone at her" (John 8:7). We believe that persons who have an abortion for reasons regarded by others in the Christian community as wrong should be treated with love, so that Jesus’ word of redemption may become operative: "Go your way and from now on do not sin again" (John 8:11).<br />
<br />
===We commit ourselves to work for a just health care system that will assist poor families in caring for their children.===<br />
<br />
Because we are concerned about just health care for all, we will:<br />
<br />
Recognize that protests against abortion have greater integrity when they are combined with concern for all human life.<br />
Commit ourselves to work for a just health care system that will assist poor families in caring for their children, thus eliminating conditions that help create a culture of abortion.<br />
Urge our members to consider becoming adoptive or foster parents to care for abused and unwanted children.<br />
Become persistent advocates for a national health care policy which controls costs while emphasizing quality care. 10 (From MC and GC Delegate Assembly Resolutions on Health Care, 1992 and 1993)<br />
We believe that the use of abortion among the poor is driven at times by the inequities and gaps in the present health care system. An informed woman with financial resources has always been able to get a safe abortion while a poor woman who is less informed has resorted to abortions under expensive, dangerous, and clandestine conditions.<br />
We affirm life even as we grieve the conditions that lead persons to consider abortion.<br />
<br />
==V. A call to the congregation==<br />
The congregation can be a place of healing or a hostile place for persons who have had or are considering abortion. We give a high value to life and also respond with compassion to those who may be considering abortion. We believe the body of Christ must hold these positions in tension.<br />
<br />
We call on congregations to form caring teams who are able to walk with individuals seeking guidance as they deal with unexpected and unwanted pregnancies. If we want to create safe places in our congregations where people can talk about their problems, we must learn to listen in a non-judgmental way to those who fail to live up to their best intentions.<br />
<br />
We call on pastors and congregational leaders to address issues of sexuality and appropriate sexual expression in sermons, in Sunday school classes, and in premarital counseling. We believe congregations offer life to their communities by being involved in community organizations that support adoption and foster care.<br />
<br />
We commit ourselves to provide Christian education about human sexuality for both young and old and to foster understanding of various means by which pregnancy can be prevented when it is not desired. We commit ourselves to teaching sexual chastity before marriage and faithfulness in marriage.<br />
<br />
We believe congregations have the ability to talk about abortion, express their commitment to Scripture, and discern its meaning for today. In many congregations, there are persons who can share their experiences of being parents, doctors, lawyers, pastors, nurses, and social workers.<br />
<br />
A difficult moral issue like abortion requires ongoing study and discussion. We commit ourselves to continue to search for God’s will in this matter even as we continue to speak out against abortion. We are sure that God’s love in Jesus Christ binds us together in this search:<br />
<br />
"For now we see in a mirror, dimly, but then we will see face to face. Now I know only in part; then I will know fully, even as I have been fully known. And now faith, hope, and love abide, these three; and the greatest of these is love" (1 Cor.13:12-13).<br />
<br />
===Reference Committee===<br />
<br />
The reference committee for this statement included:<br />
<br />
Committee members from Constituency Leaders Council: Leah Ann Alcazar, Yvonne Bailey, Elaine Good, Felipe Hinojosa, Janeen Bertsche Johnson, Ed Kauffman, Joe Longacher<br />
Consultants from Anabaptist Center for Health Care Ethics: Anne Hershberger, George Stoltzfus (writer)<br />
Staff from Mennonite Church USA Executive Board: J. Ron Byler, Kathryn Rodgers<br />
===Recommended reading===<br />
<br />
Alderfer, Edwin and Helen, eds. Life and Values. Mennonite Publishing House, 1974.<br />
Birky, Luke. "When is Life?" Gospel Herald, January 30, 1968.<br />
Bork, Robert H. "Inconvenient Lives," First Things, December 1996.<br />
Brenneman, George. "Abortion: Review of Mennonite Literature, 1970–1977," Mennonite Quarterly Review, April 1979.<br />
Burke, Theresa, and David C. Reardon. Forbidden Grief: The Unspoken Pain ofAbortion. Acorn Books, 1992.<br />
Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective. Herald Press, 1995.<br />
Friesen, Duane. Moral Issues in the Control of Birth. Faith & Life Press, 1974.<br />
Goodwin, Thomas Murphy. "Medicalizing Abortion Decisions," First Things, March 1996.<br />
Harrison, Beverly Wildung. Our Right to Choose. Beacon Press, 1983.<br />
Hays, Richard B. The Moral Vision of the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament Ethics. Harper Collins, 1996.<br />
Keller, Richard F. "In Favor of Life," Gospel Herald, September 2, 1975.<br />
Kropf, Marlene Y. "How I Decided about Abortion," Christian Living, November 1972.<br />
Mennonite Central Committee Abortion Packet. Revised 2001.<br />
Oswald, Laurie L. "Witnessing for Life," Mennonite Weekly Review, January 13, 2000.<br />
Ring-Cassidy, Elizabeth, and Ian Genties. Women's Health After Abortion: The Medical and Psychological Evidence. The deVeber Institute, 2002.<br />
Rudy, Kathy. Beyond Pro-Life and Pro-Choice: Moral Diversity in the Abortion Debate. Beacon Press, 1996.<br />
Sider, Ronald J. Completely Pro-Life: Building a Consistent Stance. Intervarsity Press, 1987.<br />
Strahan, Tom, ed. Detrimental Effects ofAbortion: An Annotated Bibliography with Commentary. Acorn Publishing, 2001.<br />
Wennburg, Robert N. Life in the Balance: Exploring the Abortion Controversy. William P. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1985.<br />
"Who Lives, Who Dies? The Disturbing Logic of Peter Singer," The Christian Century, July 3–10,2002.<br />
Yoder, John Howard. "The Biblical Evaluation of Human Life," a 1973 address delivered at the Mennonite Medical Association Abortion Study. Copies available through the office of the Anabaptist Center for Health Care Ethics.<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly, Atlanta, Georgia, July 2003<br />
==Footnotes==<br />
<ol><br />
1 Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective, Herald Press, 1995, Article VI, p. 28.<br />
<br />
2 All biblical quotations are from the NRSV. [Linked Internet scriptures are NIV.]<br />
<br />
3 The Moral Vision of the New Testament: A Contemporary Introduction to New Testament Ethics by Richard B. Hays, Harper Collins, 1996, pp. 455–456.<br />
<br />
4 John Howard Yoder (see recommended reading) speaks of a “prejudice in favor of the defenseless.”<br />
<br />
5 Although this has historically been the interpretation of the text, some people interpret it to mean that there is a live birth. They therefore believe the text does not support making a distinction between the status of the fetus and the mother.<br />
<br />
6 See Hays, p. 455, for a more complete discussion.<br />
<br />
7 “Who Lives? Who Dies? The Disturbing Logic of Peter Singer,” The Christian Century, July 3-10, 2002, pp. 24-29.<br />
<br />
8 See Hays, pp. 455-456.<br />
<br />
9 “Inconvenient Lives,” First Things, December 1996, p. 9.<br />
<br />
10 See Resolution on Health Care endorsed by GCMC and MC delegates in 1992 and 1993, respectively.<br />
</ol></div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Resolution_on_Healthcare_Access:_Next_Step_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2009)&diff=10890
Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)
2012-07-06T20:15:21Z
<p>Hannahec: /* Whereas: */</p>
<hr />
<div>==Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)==<br />
===Whereas:===<br />
1. In July of 2005, the [[Mennonite Church USA]] delegates approved Healthcare Access Statement: Our Theology, which states that "Because the scriptural test of a just nation is how it treats its weakest members (Micah 6:8, Amos 5:24, Jeremiah 5:26-29) we will be clear and consistent advocates to policymakers on behalf of public health matters and access to healthcare for everyone.” <br><br><br />
2. Our Healthcare Access Statement also affirms that a biblically-compatible healthcare system would: <br />
<ol><br />
1. Celebrate God’s generous provision of resources, assuring enough for everyone when shared equitably by all (Genesis 1-2; Leviticus 25; Psalm 35:5-9; 2 Corinthians 8-9); <br><br><br />
2. Promote the flourishing (shalom) of the whole community, including each of its members (John 13:34-35; Acts 2-4; Romans 12; 1 Corinthians 12:12ff); <br><br><br />
3. Protect the well-being of the weakest and most vulnerable members of society (Deuteronomy 10:17-19, 24:17-22; Psalm 72; Isaiah 1:16-17; Jeremiah 7:5-7; Matthew 25:31-46; Luke 1:46-55, 4:16-21); and <br><br><br />
4. Cultivate stewardship of God’s resources.<br><br><br />
</ol><br />
3. In 2007, several Mennonite Church agencies affirmed a set of Healthcare Policy Principles, including “Support for a healthcare system in which risks, cost and responsibility are shared by all,” and “Eliminate financial and health status as barriers to healthcare access.” These policies were received by the 2007 Mennonite Church delegate body. <br><br><br />
4. 45.7 million Americans were uninsured in 2007 and many more are without health insurance today. Uninsured Americans are predominantly members of lower-income households and disproportionately members of minority groups. The uninsured get less medical care and get it later when it is less efficacious. The Institute of Medicine has concluded that every year thousands of Americans die prematurely from lack of health insurance. <br><br><br />
5. The United States Congress is currently considering legislation that could extend healthcare financing to many of those who currently find it difficult to get access to healthcare because they are uninsured.<br />
<br />
===Be it thereby resolved that:===<br />
1. We reaffirm our 2005 Healthcare Access Statement and affirm the 2007 Healthcare Policy Principles. <br> <br> <br />
2. We will ask our members and congregations to urge their congressional representatives to support legislation that would extend access to healthcare to all Americans, particularly the poor and disadvantaged, while we engage local healthcare needs. <br> <br><br />
3. We will work together with others to bring about this result. <br> <br><br />
4. We will pray for healthcare access for Americans across our land, as well as those working on behalf of this issue.<br> <br><br />
<br />
==Commentary==<br />
This resolution was approved by the Mennonite Church USA Assembly at Columbus, Ohio on 4 July 2009. It was originally prepared by Tim Jost, Harrisonburg, Virginia as a a follow-up to a 2007 action by the Mennonite Church USA delegate assembly to provide health-care access to all pastors. Seven delegates among the 850-member body voted against the resolution.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=A_Resolution_on_Following_Christ_and_Growing_Together_as_Communities_Even_in_Conflict_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2009)&diff=10889
A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)
2012-07-06T20:14:52Z
<p>Hannahec: </p>
<hr />
<div>==Preamble==<br />
Through the journey of the Christian church, we are aware of historical divisions that have marked the communities of faith. Through the power of the Holy Spirit, the church was guided and transformed in the Book of Acts. Many issues have led to vigorous debate and we acknowledge our current discussions regarding issues of human sexuality. <br />
<br />
As delegates at Columbus, we are aware of current and ongoing debate over the issue of human sexuality and conference response to congregations in variance. We acknowledge the pain and frustration of this issue for a number of conferences, congregations, families and individuals. We acknowledge the statements by Mennonite Church USA on Human Sexuality which have been previously passed and are currently in place, while we also acknowledge the presence of dissenting voices within the denomination.<br />
<br />
We affirm the church’s commitment to ongoing dialogue and discernment, and “agreeing and disagreeing in love.” We confess that we as a church (congregations, conferences, denomination) have rarely found a way to create a healthy, safe environment in which to have this dialogue, one that builds up the Body of Christ, and is respectful and honest about our differences.<br />
<br />
We affirm [[Mennonite Church USA]]’s Vision Statement of God’s healing and hope flowing through us to the world.<br />
<br />
==Action==<br />
And so we call upon the Executive Board of Mennonite Church USA to work with conferences to provide and encourage the use of resources which assist conferences and congregations to engage in this discernment. Our hope is for a broad range of resources that help us live faithfully, extending hospitality to all of God’s people. May the Holy Spirit guide and direct us through this time.<br />
<br />
==Commentary==<br />
This statement, approved at the Mennonite Church USA Assembly in Columbus, Ohio on 4 July 2009 was prepared by the Assembly's Resolutions Committee, and combined ideas from two opposing resolutions on homosexuality. The statement calls for congregational discernment on human sexuality. One of the proposed resolutions had called for reaffirming the article in MC USA's Confession of Faith that defines marriage as between a man and a woman for life. The other had called for an end to disciplining congregations and pastors that disagreed with the denomination’s stance that homosexual practice is a sin.<br />
<br />
The deliberations included approval, by a narrow margin, of an amendment moved by Joanna Harader of Lawrence, Kansas, to change "affirm" to "acknowledge" in its reference to previous statements on sexuality. The 850 delegates overwhelmingly approved the resolution.<br />
<br />
==Bibliography==<br />
* Schrag, Paul. "Delegates approve resolution on sexuality." ''Mennonite Weekly Review'' (13 July 2009): 1. http://www.mennoweekly.org/2009/7/13/delegates-approve-resolution-sexuality/?page=1 (accessed 16 July 2009).</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=MWC_Shared_Convictions_(2006)&diff=10888
MWC Shared Convictions (2006)
2012-07-06T20:14:14Z
<p>Hannahec: </p>
<hr />
<div>==Shared Convictions ([[Mennonite World Conference]], 2006)==<br />
<br />
<br />
By the grace of God, we seek to live and proclaim the good news of reconciliation in Jesus Christ. As part of the one body of Christ at all times and places, we hold the following to be central to our belief and practice:<br />
<br />
<ol><br />
1. God is known to us as Father, Son and Holy Spirit, the Creator who seeks to restore fallen humanity by calling a people to be faithful in fellowship, worship, service and witness. <br><br />
2. Jesus is the Son of God. Through his life and teachings, his cross and resurrection, he showed us how to be faithful disciples, redeemed the world, and offers eternal life. <br><br />
3. As a church, we are a community of those whom God's Spirit calls to turn from sin, acknowledge Jesus Christ as Lord, receive baptism upon confession of faith, and follow Christ in life. <br><br />
4. As a faith community, we accept the Bible as our authority for faith and life, interpreting it together under Holy Spirit guidance, in the light of Jesus Christ to discern God's will for our obedience. <br><br />
5. The Spirit of Jesus empowers us to trust God in all areas of life so we become peacemakers who renounce violence, love our enemies, seek justice, and share our possessions with those in need. <br><br />
6. We gather regularly to worship, to celebrate the Lord's Supper, and to hear the Word of God in a spirit of mutual accountability. <br><br />
7. As a world-wide community of faith and life we transcend boundaries of nationality, race, class, gender and language. We seek to live in the world without conforming to the powers of evil, witnessing to God's grace by serving others, caring for creation, and inviting all people to know Jesus Christ as Saviour and Lord. <br><br />
</ol><br />
<br />
In these convictions we draw inspiration from Anabaptist forebears of the 16th century, who modeled radical discipleship to Jesus Christ. We seek to walk in his name by the power of the Holy Spirit, as we confidently await Christ's return and the final fulfillment of God's kingdom.<br />
<br />
''Adopted by Mennonite World Conference General Council Pasadena, California, USA''<br />
<br />
''15 March 2006''<br />
<br />
==Commentary==<br />
In a historic action, MWC's General Council approved a statement of shared convictions to give members around the world a clearer picture of beliefs Anabaptists hold in common.<br />
<br />
This is the first statement of beliefs adopted by leaders of the global Anabaptist community.<br />
<br />
The statement is not meant to replace conferences' official confessions of faith. Nancy Heisey, Mennonite World Conference Presdient in 2006 said "groups are free to use it for theological conversations." It can also be used by those who do not have a formal confession. It is also intended to help define Anabaptism to others.<br />
<br />
The discussion of shared convictions started in 1997 in Mennonite World Conference's Faith and Life Council. After collecting faith statements from member churches, the council brought a first draft to the 2003 MWC assembly in Zimbabwe. Revisions were made based on responses from member churches over the next three years, leading to adoption at Pasadena, California.<br />
<br />
==PDF Version==<br />
*[http://www.anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/images/8/88/Shared_Convictions_English.pdf| Shared Convictions PDF]</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Statement_on_the_War_in_Iraq_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2005)&diff=10887
Statement on the War in Iraq (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)
2012-07-06T20:12:24Z
<p>Hannahec: </p>
<hr />
<div>Approved by [[Mennonite Church USA]] Delegate Assembly Charlotte, North Carolina, 9 July 2005.<br />
==Preamble==<br />
In response to requests from our area conferences, congregations and members for Mennonite Church USA to state our belief in God's call to peace and to invite peacemaking actions as individuals and congregations, the Executive Board offers the statement below. It follows a letter to President Bush, in September 2002, signed by 17,000 members that outlined alternatives to going to war in [[Iraq]], and a similar letter from the Constituency Leaders Council in March 2003. In June 2004 the Executive Board sent a pastoral letter to our congregations during this time of global turmoil.<br />
<br />
==This is our faith:==<br />
We believe that peace is the will of God. God created the world in peace, and God's peace is most fully revealed in Jesus Christ, who is our peace and the peace of the whole world. Led by the Holy Spirit, we follow Christ in the way of peace, doing justice, bringing reconciliation, and practicing nonresistance, even in the face of violence and warfare. (Article 22, ''Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective'', 1995)<br />
<br />
We believe that the church is God's holy nation, called to give full allegiance to Christ its head and to witness to every nation, government and society about God's saving love. (Article 23)<br />
<br />
==This is our hope:==<br />
The biblical vision is of a day when nations will no longer learn war (Isaiah 2:4, Hosea 2:18, Micah 4:3), a day when God will wipe away all tears and when death, mourning, crying and pain will be no more. (Revelation 21:4)<br />
<br />
It is this glorious vision and the example of Jesus Christ that moves us, even now, to live as peacemakers in our world.<br />
<br />
==This is how we, as God strengthens us, choose to express our love:==<br />
* We will repent for ways we have contributed to this war;<br />
* We will pray for peace, justice and reconciliation;<br />
* We will renew our commitment to teach peace to every generation and to provide youth with meaningful alternatives to military service;<br />
* We will support Mennonite Central Committee's work in Iraq, including relief, development, and peace projects;<br />
* We will encourage those called from our congregations to serve on Christian Peacemaker Team delegations to Iraq;<br />
* We will offer our support to local military personnel and their families as they deal with the trauma of this war;<br />
* We will reach out in friendship to local Muslims;<br />
* We will join our voices with many other people of faith who are calling for our national leaders to end the U.S. military presence in Iraq, recognizing that such visibility is fueling a growing insurgency movement and adding to the daily suffering of ordinary Iraqis.<br />
<br />
In all this, we seek to be that "city on a hill" which demonstrates the "way of Christ" and to faithfully call "the nations (and all persons and institutions) to move toward justice, peace and compassion for all people." (Article 23, ''Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective'', 1995)</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Vieques_Resolution_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2001)&diff=10886
Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)
2012-07-06T20:10:03Z
<p>Hannahec: </p>
<hr />
<div>This resolution was approved by the [[Mennonite Church USA]] delegate assembly in 2001. It was one of three resolutions against forms of violence. The other two were against the U.S. government's "Plan Colombia" counter-narcotics campaign because of its destructive effects; and against the death penalty. The Vieques Resolution concerned U.S. military activity on the Puerto Rican island of Vieques was initiated by the Mennonite Church USA's interim Council on Faith, Life and Strategy and fashioned by Mennonite Church and General Conference Mennonite Church peace and justice staff in consultation with Mennonite leaders in [[Puerto Rico]] and Christian Peacemaker Teams. The resolution was approved without dissent.<br />
<br />
==Preamble==<br />
Vieques is a small tropical island (19 x 4 miles) off the east coast of Puerto Rico. During the early 1940s, the U.S. Navy began using it as training ground for the war against Hitler. The military forced more than one-third of the 13,000 people living there to leave the island so their land could be used for a bombing range. Soldiers mistreated the Viequenses, including raping women and fighting with teenagers. When the war ended, the Navy did not leave as anticipated. Since then the military has practiced on Vieques for invasions into Panama and for the Persian Gulf War. The Navy controls more than half of the island. Opposition to the Navy on Vieques has continued since WWII.<br />
<br />
In July of 1999, two stray bombs hit an observation post and killed a civilian guard, David Sanes. Since then both residents and international supporters, including members of Christian Peacemaker Teams, have nonviolently blockaded the entrances to the base, causing the Navy to cease bombing. However, bombing resumed in May 2000 after protestors were forcibly removed from the bombing range. The current government of Puerto Rico has used many legal and diplomatic means to try to bring an end to the military exercises on Vieques.<br />
<br />
Currently the 9,300 residents who live about ten miles from the bombing range, suffer from both economic and environmental damage after years of bombing. Residents earn a living through farming and fishing. Toxic metals from bomb residue have been found in their fruits and vegetables, and many feel these have caused increased occurrences of cancer. The Navy restricts fishing and their ships destroy lobster traps. Between 100-200 civilians hold jobs with the military, most of them at minimum wage. A local group, the Committee for the Rescue and Development of Vieques, has planned for appropriate development of the island once the Navy leaves.<br />
<br />
Regrettably the June 14 White House announcement that the bombing range will be closed and removed from U.S. Navy control in 2003 does not incorporate an immediate end to its use by the U.S. and other NATO countries. It also does not answer present health concerns or promise to clean up the environment. Because of this, Puerto Ricans have called for continued nonviolent actions to stop the bombing exercises.<br />
<br />
In March of 2001 Puerto Rican Mennonite Church delegates took a bold stand and declared that their silence about the U.S. Navy's bombing of Vieques has supported the oppression of the island's people. On May 11, 2001 they asked Mennonite Central Committee to request that congregations write their government representatives asking for a cessation of military exercises on Vieques. This resolution is presented in response to this request from our sisters and brothers in Puerto Rico.<br />
<br />
==Therefore be it resolved that==<br />
We as Mennonite Church USA commit ourselves to:<br />
<br />
* Send a letter of support and encouragement to the Mennonite Church in Puerto Rico;<br />
* Send a letter to the U.S. government making our perspective known, and expressing our desire to stand with our Puerto Ricans brothers and sisters.<br />
As delegates, we commit ourselves to:<br />
<br />
*Pray for Puerto Rican Mennonites that God will show them how to minister to all the people of Vieques, work with the military personnel on the naval bases on the Puerto Rican mainland, and develop peace work with the children and youth of Puerto Rico;<br />
* Write notes of encouragement to our sisters and brothers in Puerto Rico;<br />
* Support the work of Christian Peacemaker Teams as they witness on Vieques;<br />
* Write as individuals and official leaders to our government representatives; and<br />
* Acknowledge that we are part of the military complex abusing the people of Vieques because we pay taxes that support the military.<br />
We ask our U.S. government leaders to:<br />
<br />
* Immediately stop military exercises on Vieques;<br />
* Clean up contaminated land so children can play safely, farmers can grow healthy crops, and fisherman can fish in unpolluted water;<br />
* Remove the Navy from the island,<br />
* Financially and strategically support the reconstruction work of the Committee for the Rescue and Development of Vieques. <br><br />
May God grant peace and justice to the people of Vieques, and may God grant us the courage to speak and act when we are called to be God's hands in the world.<br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly<br />
July 7, 2001, meeting in Nashville, Tenn.<br />
<br />
<br />
==Bibliography==<br />
Preheim, Rich. "Victims at Home, Abroad, Unborn" ''The Mennonite'' 4 (17 July 2001): 8-9.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=A_Resolution:_The_Death_Penalty_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2001)&diff=10885
A Resolution: The Death Penalty (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)
2012-07-06T20:09:28Z
<p>Hannahec: </p>
<hr />
<div><br />
This resolution was approved by the [[Mennonite Church USA]] delegate assembly in 2001. It was one of three resolutions against forms of violence. The other two were against the U.S. government's "Plan Colombia" counter-narcotics campaign because of its destructive effects and against military activity on the Puerto Rican island of Vieques. The resolution on the death penalty generated the most debate, as some delegates wished a strong parallel resolution on abortion. The resolutions committee refused to include language on abortion, citing earlier statements by the Mennonite Church in 1975 and the General Conference Mennonite Church in 1980. The resolution then passed with a few dissenting votes.<br />
<br />
==A Resolution: The Death Penalty==<br />
In view of our Christian responsibility to value all human life we are compelled to set forth our opposition to all capital punishment.<br />
<br />
Whereas<br />
<br />
* The General Conference Mennonite Church called for "federal and state governments . . .to discontinue the use of the death penalty" at Estes Park, Colorado, July 16, 1965;<br />
* The Mennonite Church called for "federal and state governments . . . to discontinue the use of the death penalty" at Kidron, Ohio, August 1965;<br />
* The criminal justice system has sent innocent people to death row, and the death penalty is applied in a racially-discriminatory fashion, and disproportionately to some of society's most vulnerable people; and<br />
* We acknowledge the deep grief of families of murder victims and victims of capital punishment laws; hold them in our prayers; and commit ourselves to walk with them;<br />
'''Therefore we resolve''' that Mennonite Church USA appeal to state and federal governments to abolish the death penalty.<br />
<br />
'''We resolve further''' that the Executive Director of Mennonite Church USA address this issue with the President of the United States and urge area conferences to address relevant governors.<br />
<br />
'''We further''' urge congregations to take action to support abolition of the death penalty through prayer, letter writing, and public vigils at murder sites and at prisons where executions occur.<br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly<br />
July 7, 2001, meeting in Nashville, Tenn.<br />
<br />
==Bibliography==<br />
Preheim, Rich. "Victims at home, abroad, unborn" ''The Mennonite'' 4 (17 July 2001): 8-9.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Membership_Guidelines_for_the_Formation_of_Mennonite_Church_USA_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2001)&diff=10884
Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)
2012-07-06T20:08:01Z
<p>Hannahec: /* I. Basis for membership */</p>
<hr />
<div>==I. Basis for membership==<br />
The [[Mennonite Church USA]] desires to be a people of God characterized by a commitment to biblical foundations and to Anabaptist perspectives. While the integrating churches are of various backgrounds and formations, we believe the Holy Spirit has called us to unite in faith and mission (Acts 1, 2).<br />
<br />
Membership signifies a mutual commitment to build on the true foundation, Jesus Christ (1 Corinthians 3:11); to become "a dwelling place of God in the Spirit" (Ephesians 2:22); to be "salt of the earth" and "light of the world" (Matthew 5:13,14).<br />
<br />
===Covenant===<br />
Membership is a voluntary covenant between and among four inter-related communities of faith: congregations, area conferences (including GCMG district conferences), country church bodies, and international fellowships. Congregations are formed of individual members; area conferences are constituted by member congregations; area conferences with their member congregations join to form country church bodies; country church bodies join for international affiliations. Once made, a covenant of membership is nurtured in a spirit of mutual commitment to Jesus Christ and to the body of Christ, the church.<br />
<br />
===Accountability===<br />
Membership assumes accountability before God and toward one another. Accountability has an inward and an outward dimension, with a biblical commission supporting both aspects. Looking inward, the church is commissioned to be a "binding and loosing" fellowship (Matthew 16:13-20; Matthew 18:15-20; John 20:23; Ephesians 4:15-16). The joyful obligation of membership includes the calling to build up the body of Christ through mutual discernment of the will of God. Looking outward, the church is commissioned to "make disciples of all nations" (Matthew 28:18-20; Luke 10; Acts 1:8). Membership includes the invitation to become a community engaged in mission and service.<br />
<br />
===Unity===<br />
Members are called to unity in Spirit, "so that the world may believe that [the Father] has sent [the Son]" (John 17:21; see also Ephesians 2:14-22). The church is called to practice humility, gentleness, patience, and love, as it strives to "maintain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace" (Ephesians 4:1-6).<br />
<br />
As witness to God who is one, and to Jesus Christ who was sent to reveal the will of God, Mennonite Church USA desires that members give faithful expression to their unity as the body of Christ. The Mennonite churches have heard this call to unity ever more clearly in recent years.<br />
<br />
===Diversity===<br />
Within the context of unity, Mennonite Church USA celebrates the rich diversity among its constituent entities (Ephesians 4:7; 1 Corinthians 12). The church is an interdependent and diverse body of believers who together form the body of Christ (1 Corinthians 12; Galatians 3:25-29; Colossians 3:11; 1 Peter 2:9-10). This body includes people "from every nation, from all tribes and peoples and languages" (Revelation 7:9), creating a colorful multicultural family of God.<br />
<br />
"''No other foundation can anyone lay than that which is laid, which is Jesus Christ''" (1 Corinthians 3:11).<br />
<br />
==II. Policy and practice of membership==<br />
1. The foundation for Mennonite Church USA as a new denomination will be the following:<br />
<ol><br />
* our common vision statement (currently "Vision: Healing and Hope") <br> <br><br />
<br />
* our common mission statement <br> <br><br />
<br />
* our common Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (1995) as the "statement of faith for teaching and nurture in the life of the church." (COF, introduction, p. 9) <br> <br><br />
<br />
* a commitment "to seek to understand and interpret Scripture in harmony with Jesus Christ as we are led by the Holy Spirit in the church." (COF, article 4) <br> <br><br />
<br />
* a commitment to participate in discerning and living out statements of Christian faith and life made by Mennonite Church USA <br> <br><br />
<br />
* a commitment to participate in the denomination's life and mission through delegate representation and financial support <br> <br><br />
</ol><br />
We expect member area conferences to share the vision and commitments listed here, and to ask the same of their member congregations. <br> <br><br />
<br />
2. Where area conferences with their congregations are committed to the vision, mission, and teaching positions of the denomination, they have the freedom to seek God's wisdom and discernment as to how to apply these principles in a life-giving way in the many chaotic, broken and/or sinful situations which present themselves to the church. This should be done in consultation with the broader church, in a spirit of mutual accountability. <br> <br><br />
3. Congregations have the authority to determine the criteria and the responsibility to implement the process for membership of persons joining their congregation. They do so in consultation with their area conference and in consideration of expectations for membership in Mennonite Church USA. <br> <br><br />
4. Area conferences have the authority to determine the criteria and the responsibility to implement the process for membership of congregations within their area conference. They do so in consideration of expectations for membership in Mennonite Church USA.<br> <br><br />
5. Mennonite Church USA has the authority to determine the criteria and the responsibility to implement the process whereby area conferences become members of Mennonite Church USA. They do so in consideration of the expectations for membership in Mennonite Church USA (see 11.1). <br> <br><br />
6. In the event the Plan of Merger is approved, membership of Mennonite Church USA as of the effective date of its Bylaws (February l, 2002) will include all members of the Mennonite Church and the General Conference Mennonite Church who have not withdrawn prior to February 1, 2002. <br> <br><br />
<br />
After the merger, the direct membership of individual General Conference congregations to the denomination will cease. Henceforth all membership of congregations will be through area conferences.<br> <br><br />
7. Charter membership in Mennonite Church USA <br><br />
<ol><br />
a. For Mennonite Church Area Conferences: <br />
Charter membership will be open to all member area conferences and congregations from the time both delegate bodies approve the Plan of Merger in July, 2001 to February 1, 2002, the effective date of the Bylaws. Current member area conferences wanting to participate will be invited to indicate their decision to join, either by their vote on the Plan of Merger or by a reaffirmation of their commitment to be part of Mennonite Church USA before February 1, 2002. <br> <br><br />
b. For General Conference Mennonite Church Congregations: <br />
Charter membership in Mennonite Church USA will be open to all member congregations from the time both delegate bodies approve the Plan of Merger in July, 2001 to February 1, 2002, the effective date of the Bylaws. Current member congregations will be part of Mennonite Church USA by virtue of their membership in an area conference which continues with membership in Mennonite Church USA. <br> <br />
</ol><br />
8. In recognition of the differences in how area conferences process issues, we offer the option of provisional membership to area conferences that are not ready for full membership. This permits participation as such area conferences continue to evaluate their membership status. Provisional membership is available through January 31, 2007. <br> <br><br />
9. New area conferences attain membership in Mennonite Church USA through action of the Delegate Assembly upon recommendation from the Executive Board. New area conferences may apply for membership through the Constituency Leaders Council. Such application for membership will be reviewed by the Constituency Leaders Council and forwarded to the Executive Board along with their counsel. <br> <br><br />
10. New congregations attain membership in Mennonite Church USA through their membership in an area conference. Congregations that currently are members only of the General Conference Mennonite Church but not of an area conference need to take steps to join an area conference. They shall do so by no later than February 1, 2004. Also, congregations that are presently members of an area conference only but not of the Mennonite Church or the General Conference Mennonite Church will become members of Mennonite Church USA through their membership in their area conference. <br> <br><br />
11. Congregations will hold membership in only one area conference. Where dual affiliation of a congregation with more than one area conference already exists and is perceived to serve the best interests of the congregation and their conferences at this time, dual conference membership may be retained as long as mutually agreed upon. We also recognize that certain congregations may find it beneficial to maintain ties to other denominational bodies. <br> <br><br />
12. We recognize the possibility that from time to time a congregation may seek a new area conference relationship. Out of mutual respect for one another, no congregation shall separate or be separated from one area conference and subsequently be accepted by another area conference without consultation among the area conferences and congregations involved, according to criteria established by the Executive Board. <br> <br><br />
13. A congregation or area conference that is currently a member of one of the integrating church bodies, but is hesitant about becoming a member of Mennonite Church USA, should process its concerns with the church body in which it presently holds membership. Given the voluntary nature of Mennonite Church USA, area conferences and congregations that choose not to join Mennonite Church USA are free to sever their current connections and unite with a church body of their choice. It is hoped this would take place in a cordial spirit, by mutual agreement of the groups involved, and only as a last resort. <br> <br><br />
14. Our vision for Mennonite Church USA includes the invitation to Christian church bodies of common faith and mission to affiliate with Mennonite Church USA in order to support and strengthen the fellowship and mission of an Anabaptist witness in North America and around the world. <br> <br><br />
<br />
==III. Clarification on some issues related to homosexuality and membership==<br />
===Introduction===<br />
For the last several years, issues of same-sex orientation and lifestyle have been the source of deep controversy in our nation and in the church. More particularly, the process of bringing together our two denominations has been complicated by differing responses to congregations who have accepted persons in same sex relationships as members. There are several congregations, formerly members of two conferences, who have been removed from membership by one of the conferences while retaining membership in the other. In various and significant ways, these disciplinary actions touch other congregations, area conferences, and the entire church. Many people are asking for clarification regarding the beliefs and practice of the Mennonite Church USA regarding the matter of homosexuality, particularly as it touches on issues of church membership. Therefore, as we complete the transformation/ integration process during the next six years (to be reviewed with other structures in 2007), the following commitments and polity will guide our discernment and practice:<br />
<br />
===Commitments===<br />
Our hearts belong to God, God's word and God's church. We will follow Jesus.<br />
<br />
We know what it is like to be misunderstood and misjudged. We have within our own history misunderstood and misjudged others, resulting in alienation and exclusion. Nevertheless, we hold the church as God's gift; and we hold the church's teaching as our best human understanding of God's way.<br />
<br />
We hold the Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (1995) to be the teaching position of the Mennonite Church USA. "We believe that God intends marriage to be a covenant between one man and one woman for life" (Article 19).<br />
<br />
We hold the Saskatoon (1986) and Purdue (1987) statements describing homosexual, extramarital and premarital sexual activity as sin to be the teaching position of the Mennonite Church USA.<br />
<br />
We hold the Saskatoon and Purdue statements calling for the church to be in dialogue with those who hold differing views to be the teaching position of the Mennonite Church USA.<br />
<br />
We hold the abuse of power, in its many forms, to be against the teaching position of the Mennonite Church USA.<br />
<br />
Our passion for the church remains undiminished. Our search for the truth finds answer in the scriptures. Our love for God through Christ lifts us up. Our vision for God's people is healing and hope.<br />
<br />
===Polity===<br />
1. Pastors holding credentials in a conference of Mennonite Church USA may not perform a same-sex covenant ceremony. Such action would be grounds for review of their credentials by their area conference's ministerial credentialing body. (See ''A Mennonite Polity for Ministerial Leadership'', p. 125) <br> <br><br />
2. Each congregation which has been expelled or placed under discipline by one conference and not another is asked to state support of the vision and commitments of Mennonite Church USA (see II.1). Within two years of the adoption of these guidelines, the two conferences of which each such congregation is or was formerly a member must work together with the congregation to determine the future membership status of the congregation. (We encourage conferences to work with the principles outlined in "Agreeing and Disagreeing in Love," 1995). If the two conferences cannot agree, or if their agreement is challenged by another conference, the Executive Board may appoint a group (with at least some of its members from the Constituency Leaders Council) to work with the conferences and congregations to resolve the matter.<br />
<br />
==Context for the Guidelines==<br />
In St. Louis, Missouri in July 1999 at a joint convention of the Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church and Conference of Mennonites in Canada, the delegates approved transforming the three denominational/conference structures into two country structures -- Mennonite Church U.S. and Mennonite Church Canada -- within a new Mennonite Church denomination. The delegates also approved the composition of new governing boards and delegate composition for the new country structures. This action followed the 1995 decision taken by the Mennonite Church and General Conference Mennonite Church to integrate the two denominations into one body. The Conference of Mennonites in Canada, a country-wide conference affiliated with the General Conference Mennonite Church, subsequently became part of the negotiations.<br />
<br />
Because a number of congregations in the United States were under discipline by the former Mennonite Church, and because these congregations were "dual-conference" congregations -- that is, members both of the Mennonite Church and the General Conference Mennonite Church -- it was necessary to formulate guidelines for determining whether these congregations were members of the "new" Mennonite Church. <br />
<br />
The "Membership Guidelines" proposed by a special Membership Committee and by the Joint General Boards of the three denominations were approved by the new Mennonite Church Canada (which did not have any congregations under discipline at that time). However, they were not approved by the delegates of the new Mennonite Church U.S., requiring further study and work until the next delegate sessions scheduled for Nashville, Tennessee in 2001. <br />
<br />
One of the new structures within Mennonite Church USA was the Constituency Leaders Council. This body had representation from all area conferences and interest groups, and worked to find revised language for the membership guidelines that would maintain as much unity as possible. The resulting guidelines were similar to most respects to the 1999 version approved by the Canadians, with one major exception -- the addition of section III, "Clarification on Some Issues Related to Homosexuality and Membership."<br />
<br />
The new section generated much discussion at the Mennonite Church USA assembly held in Nashville, Tennessee in July 2001. The view that prevailed acknowledged the Constituency Leaders Council's work, with the belief that counsel had been widely sought and people had had ample opportunity to give their opinion. The vote in favor of the guidelines was 89% by delegates from the Mennonite Church and 90% by delegates from the General Conference Mennonite Church. This cleared the way for the formal vote on the bylaws for the new denomination, approved by 95% of Mennonite Church delegates and 96% of General Conference delegates.<br />
<br />
==Bibliography==<br />
Preheim, Rich. "Born on the Fifth of July." ''The Mennonite'' 4 (17 July 2001): 4-6.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Resolution_on_Plan_Colombia_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2001)&diff=10883
Resolution on Plan Colombia (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)
2012-07-06T20:07:11Z
<p>Hannahec: </p>
<hr />
<div><br />
This resolution was approved by the [[Mennonite Church USA]] delegate assembly in 2001. It was one of three resolutions against forms of violence. The other two were on the death penalty and on military activity on the Puerto Rican island of Vieques. The resolution on Columbia passed without dissent. The Mennonite Church Canada delegate assembly that met a week later, passed a related resolution on Colombia partially addressed to the Canadian government.<br />
<br />
==Resolution on Plan Colombia==<br />
<br />
Hon. George W. Bush <br><br />
President of the United States of America<br />
<br />
Hon. Colin Powell <br><br />
Secretary of State of the United States of America <br><br />
<br />
Esteemed Gentlemen,<br />
<br />
We, the official delegate body of Mennonite Church USA, along with other members of the church, including over 5,000 youth gathered in Assembly in Nashville, Tenn., July 2-7, send greetings and our prayers that you may have wisdom and courage to lead our country and the global community in ways of peace and justice for all.<br />
<br />
We speak from our faith in Jesus Christ and from our history as a Christian people who have believed in and attempted to practice ways of peace and love. We present for your consideration and action the following Resolution regarding Colombia and the involvement of our government in that country.<br />
<br />
==Preamble==<br />
Our concern for the situation in Colombia is informed by regular reports from the Mennonite Church of Colombia, along with frequent communications from other church and peace groups in that troubled land. The following statements are based largely on these sources, which give us information not always found in the normal news media.<br />
<br />
* We know that for more than 40 years Colombians have been living in serious social, political, and economic realities that have produced a culture of violence, a destroyed economic infrastructure and a fragmented and desperate civil society that leaves millions of common people's life-dreams frustrated. <br> <br><br />
* We are informed of some 30,000 deaths yearly and the displacement of 2 million rural people from their land. From February through April of this year 55,000 such persons have been driven from their homes and farms. <br> <br><br />
* We are told that the problems of this ongoing conflict have been augmented over the past 15 years by the terrible drug-trafficking business, which has its root in the demand for illegal drugs in our country and elsewhere. <br> <br><br />
* We are informed that under the pretext of a war on drugs the United States has become a partner with the Colombian armed forces in a counter-narcotics campaign that is devastating the country, stepping up the levels of violence on all sides through military "aid," and thus sending a message of death and destruction to the Colombian people. <br> <br><br />
* We are told that the fumigation efforts of Plan Colombia have destroyed food crops and caused sickness of both humans and animals, only to drive desperate people elsewhere to grow coca and cash crops, as well as intensifying the conflict between guerilla and paramilitary groups. <br> <br><br />
* In light of these facts, we believe that Plan Colombia does not adequately address the long standing problems of poverty, injustice and violence, but instead, in its military assistance aspect, exacerbates these problems and increases the frustration and misery of the majority of Colombian people. <br> <br><br />
* We recognize that the Colombian situation is very complex and that it is exacerbated by the demand for drugs in our country. We do not have easy answers to the problems that beset Colombia. However, we lament, along with our Colombian brothers and sisters, the decision of the United States government to send funds and support to the Colombian security forces.<br />
==Therefore be it resolved that==<br />
We, MENNONITE CHURCH USA, hereby express solidarity and support for the churches and agencies in Colombia who have borne the heavy burden of cultivating peace in a culture of violence. We pledge our support for initiatives that uphold human rights and encourage peaceful dialogue in Colombia.<br />
<br />
We call on you as leaders to direct our nation in the reduction of the demand for illegal drugs in our country, thereby also lessening the incentive to produce them.<br />
<br />
We request a change in Plan Colombia, a plan that uses violent means, including the destruction of cash crops and the homes of poor people, with the consequent displacement of millions within their own country. We urge an increase in funding and support for alternative cash crops and markets for the farmers of the Andean area.<br />
<br />
We promise to pray that God will give you and other leaders of our country wisdom and courage to do what is right and pleasing to God, remembering that we should treat other nations the way we would like them to treat us.<br />
<br />
Respectfully submitted this seventh of July 2001 on behalf of the delegates of the Mennonite Church USA Assembly meeting in Nashville,<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
James Schrag <br> <br />
Executive Director <br> <br />
Mennonite Church USA <br> <br />
<br />
Lee Snyder <br><br />
Moderator <br><br />
Mennonite Church USA <br><br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly<br />
July 7, 2001, meeting in Nashville, Tenn.<br />
<br />
<br />
==Bibliography==<br />
Preheim, Rich. "Victims at home, abroad, unborn" ''The Mennonite'' 4 (17 July 2001): 8-9.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Online_Anabaptist-Mennonite_Library&diff=10882
Online Anabaptist-Mennonite Library
2012-07-06T20:05:27Z
<p>Hannahec: /* 2000 to 2010 */</p>
<hr />
<div>In 2012, [http://www.gameo.org/ GAMEO] transferred its online library (then called the Anabaptist Mennonite Ethereal Library) containing the '''full texts''' of significant Mennonite confessions of faith and position statements on a variety of issues. These valuable sources can now be found here. A few early confessions of other faith groups are also included. <br />
<br />
These full-text documents represent a variety of Mennonite denominations over an extended period of time. Thus you will find statements that may not agree with one another because they come from Mennonite groups with differing emphases, or because these emphases have changed over time.<br />
<br />
The documents are arranged in '''chronological order''' within their categories.<br />
==Confessions of Faith==<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Confessions of Faith </div><br />
* [[Schleitheim Confession (source)|Schleitheim Confession]] (Anabaptist, 1527)<br />
* [[Wismar Articles (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)|Wismar Articles]] (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)<br />
* [[Strasbourg Discipline (South German Anabaptist, 1568)|Strasbourg Discipline]] (South German Anabaptist, 1568)<br />
* [[Waterlander Confession of Faith (1577)|Confession of Faith]] (Waterlander, 1577)<br />
* [[The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries (1578)|The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries]] (1578)<br />
* [[Concept of Cologne (Anabaptists, 1591)|Concept of Cologne]] (Anabaptists, 1591)<br />
* [[The Confession of Faith (P.J. Twisck, 1617)|The Confession of Faith]] (P.J. Twisck, 1617)<br />
* [[A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries (1618)|A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries]] (1618)<br />
* [[Olive Branch Confession (1627)|Olive Branch Confession]] (Dutch Mennonite, 1627)<br />
* [[Dordrecht Confession of Faith (Mennonite, 1632)|Dordrecht Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite, 1632)<br />
* [[Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris (1766)|Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris]] (1766)<br />
* [[Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)|Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith]] (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)<br />
* [[Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, Articles of Confession (1896)|Articles of Confession]] (Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Our Common Confession (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)|Our Common Confession]] (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1902)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1902)<br />
* [[Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches Articles of Faith (1950)|Articles of Faith]] (Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches, 1950)<br />
* [[Mennonite Confession of Faith (Mennonite Church, 1963)|Mennonite Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Church, 1963)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1975)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)|Confession of Faith]] (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Conference Confession of Faith (1994)|Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Conference, 1994)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)|Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective]] (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference Confession of Faith (2001) | Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference, 2001)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Catechisms==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[Elbing Catechism (Mennonite, 1778)|Elbing Catechism]] (Mennonite, 1778)<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Position Statements==<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Position Statements</div><br />
Here you will find a variety of full-text documents, arranged in chronological order, that contain Anabaptist/Mennonite declarations of positions on various matters. <br />
|}<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">16th Century to 1980</div><br />
====Pre-20th Century ====<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Document of Secession (1860)|Document of Secession]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1860)<br />
<br />
====1900 to 1950====<br />
* [[Report of the Dress Committee (Mennonite Church, 1913)|Report of the Dress Committee]] (Mennonite Church, 1913)<br />
* [[Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare (Mennonite Church, 1915)|Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare]] (Mennonite Church, 1915)<br />
* [[Statement of Our Position on Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1917)|Statement of Our Position on Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1917)<br />
* [[Christian Fundamentals (Mennonite Church, 1921)|Christian Fundamentals]] (Mennonite Church, 1921)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite (1925)|A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite]] (1925)<br />
* [[A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1937)|A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1937)<br />
* [[Statement of Doctrine (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|Statement of Doctrine]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* The Anabaptist Vision by Harold S. Bender (1944)<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)<br />
<br />
====1951 to 1960====<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment with Respect to Peace, War, and Nonresistance (Mennonite Church, 1951)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Peace, War, and Military Service (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1953)<br />
* Declaration of Commitment in Respect to Christian Separation and Nonconformity to the World (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Nurture and Evangelism of Children (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Way of Christian Love in Race Relations (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* Statement on the Believers' Church (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1956)<br />
* The Theology of Christian Experience (Mennonite Church, 1957)<br />
* The Christian and Nuclear Power (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian and Race Relations (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian View of Marriage (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* On Inspiration of the Bible (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
====1961 to 1970====<br />
* Christian Parenthood (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* The Christian Witness to the State (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Communism and Anti-Communism (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Dedication for Our Times (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Love and Unity in the Church (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Recreation (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Communism and Anti-Communism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on the Authority of the Scriptures (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* The Christian Family (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1963)<br />
* Capital Punishment and the Ministry of the Church to the Offender (Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Capital Punishment (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* Resolution on Nationalism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on World Hunger (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on Divorce and Remarriage (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1969)<br />
* Response to Conscription and Militarism (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
* Urban-Racial Concerns (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
====1971 to 1980====<br />
* The Way of Peace (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1971)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Amnesty (Mennonite Central Committee, 1973)<br />
* A Statement of Direction to Guide Congregations and Regional Conferences in Understanding Ordination (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1974)<br />
* Resolution on World Food Crisis (Mennonite Central Committee, 1974)<br />
* Abortion (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Amnesty (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Understandings Concerning Women and Men (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Resolution on Abortion (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Interpretation In The Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Call and Care of Pastors (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Christian Stewardship of Energy Resources (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Governmental Oppression and our Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Holy Spirit In the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Offender Ministries (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Television Violence (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Interpretation of Scriptures (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Mennonite Brethren and the Urban Challenge (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Political Involvement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Resolution on Pastoral Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Affirming Our Faith in Word and Deed (Mennonite Church, 1979)<br />
* Guidelines on Abortion (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
*Legal and Legislative Exemptions from War Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">1981 to 2010</div><br />
====1981 to 1990====<br />
* Leadership and Authority in the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Homosexuality (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Divorced and Remarried (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Women in the Church (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Question of Love and Non-Resistance (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* The Use of the Law (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Justice and the Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Mennonite Tricentennial Resolution (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Central America (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Conscientious Objection to Military Taxes (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* A Resolution on Faithful Action Toward Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution Regarding Caring Community (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Statement on Inter-Mennonite Cooperation in North America (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Vision for Witness (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* "God's People Reconciling [35 minute Audio file]" (Mennonite World Conference presentation by Ron Sider, 28 July 1984 in Strasbourg, France) Windows Media File (5 MB); MP3 File (15 MB)<br />
* Ten-Year Goals (Vision '95)(Mennonite Church, 1985)<br />
* A Call to Kingdom Commitments (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Many Peoples Becoming God's People (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Apartheid (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Human Sexuality (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Baptism by Immersion as a Requirement for Ordination to Pastoral Leadership (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1987)<br />
* A Call to Affirmation, Confession, and Covenant Regarding Human Sexuality (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Growing in Stewardship and Witness in a Militaristic World (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Resolution on South Africa (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* A Church of Many Peoples Confronts Racism (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Recommendation on Exploring MC/GC Integration (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on Military Tax Withholding (Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on the 500th Anniversary of Columbus (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Stewardship of the Earth: Resolution on Environment and Faith Issues (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Vision Statement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1990)<br />
====1991 to 1999====<br />
* On Observing 1992 (Mennonite Church, 1991)<br />
* Statement of Doctrine (Conservative Mennonite Conference, 1991)<br />
* A Resolution against Interpersonal Abuse (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution on Health Care (General Conference Mennonite Church U.S. Assembly, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution to Laugh with Abraham and Sarah (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Call for a Peacemaking Task Force (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace (Mennonite Central Committee, 1993)<br />
* Peace in Our Time (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Resolution on Health Care in the United States (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Resolution on Male Violence Against Women (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Affirming Peacemaking as it Relates to the Peace Tax (U.S.)/Peace Trust (Canada) (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Agreeing and Disagreeing in Love -- Commitments for Mennonites in Times of Disagreement (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Resolution on a Jubilee Year of Repentance and Action Regarding Nuclear Weapons (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Vision: Healing and Hope (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church , 1995)<br />
* "And No One Shall Make Them Afraid" (Zephaniah 3:12-13): a Mennonite Statement on Violence (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Is Jesus the Only Way? (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Mission Statement for Congregational Youth Ministry (Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Ordination (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Guidelines for building faithful relationships in the church (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Resolution on the Issue of Homosexuality (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Guidelines for Membership in the New Mennonite Church (Mennonite Church Canada, 1999)<br />
* Women in Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1999)<br />
====2000 to 2010====<br />
* [[The Call from Colombia to MC Canada (2000)|The Call from Colombia to MC Canada]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc. (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)|Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc.]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Colombia Resolution (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)|Colombia Resolution]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)<br />
* [[Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Resolution on Plan Colombia (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Resolution on Plan Colombia]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[A Resolution: The Death Penalty (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)| A Resolution: The Death Penalty]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Vieques Resolution]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on the War in Iraq (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)|Statement on the War in Iraq]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)<br />
* [[MWC Shared Convictions (2006)|Shared Convictions]] (Mennonite World Conference, 2006)<br />
* [[A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
<br />
|}</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Vieques_Resolution_(Mennonite_Church_USA,_2001)&diff=10881
Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)
2012-07-06T20:03:39Z
<p>Hannahec: Created page with "This resolution was approved by the Mennonite Church USA delegate assembly in 2001. It was one of three resolutions against forms of violence. The other two were against t..."</p>
<hr />
<div>This resolution was approved by the [[Mennonite Church USA]] delegate assembly in 2001. It was one of three resolutions against forms of violence. The other two were against the U.S. government's "Plan Colombia" counter-narcotics campaign because of its destructive effects; and against the death penalty. The Vieques Resolution concerned U.S. military activity on the Puerto Rican island of Vieques was initiated by the Mennonite Church USA's interim Council on Faith, Life and Strategy and fashioned by Mennonite Church and General Conference Mennonite Church peace and justice staff in consultation with Mennonite leaders in Puerto Rico and Christian Peacemaker Teams. The resolution was approved without dissent.<br />
<br />
==Preamble==<br />
Vieques is a small tropical island (19 x 4 miles) off the east coast of Puerto Rico. During the early 1940s, the U.S. Navy began using it as training ground for the war against Hitler. The military forced more than one-third of the 13,000 people living there to leave the island so their land could be used for a bombing range. Soldiers mistreated the Viequenses, including raping women and fighting with teenagers. When the war ended, the Navy did not leave as anticipated. Since then the military has practiced on Vieques for invasions into Panama and for the Persian Gulf War. The Navy controls more than half of the island. Opposition to the Navy on Vieques has continued since WWII.<br />
<br />
In July of 1999, two stray bombs hit an observation post and killed a civilian guard, David Sanes. Since then both residents and international supporters, including members of Christian Peacemaker Teams, have nonviolently blockaded the entrances to the base, causing the Navy to cease bombing. However, bombing resumed in May 2000 after protestors were forcibly removed from the bombing range. The current government of Puerto Rico has used many legal and diplomatic means to try to bring an end to the military exercises on Vieques.<br />
<br />
Currently the 9,300 residents who live about ten miles from the bombing range, suffer from both economic and environmental damage after years of bombing. Residents earn a living through farming and fishing. Toxic metals from bomb residue have been found in their fruits and vegetables, and many feel these have caused increased occurrences of cancer. The Navy restricts fishing and their ships destroy lobster traps. Between 100-200 civilians hold jobs with the military, most of them at minimum wage. A local group, the Committee for the Rescue and Development of Vieques, has planned for appropriate development of the island once the Navy leaves.<br />
<br />
Regrettably the June 14 White House announcement that the bombing range will be closed and removed from U.S. Navy control in 2003 does not incorporate an immediate end to its use by the U.S. and other NATO countries. It also does not answer present health concerns or promise to clean up the environment. Because of this, Puerto Ricans have called for continued nonviolent actions to stop the bombing exercises.<br />
<br />
In March of 2001 Puerto Rican Mennonite Church delegates took a bold stand and declared that their silence about the U.S. Navy's bombing of Vieques has supported the oppression of the island's people. On May 11, 2001 they asked Mennonite Central Committee to request that congregations write their government representatives asking for a cessation of military exercises on Vieques. This resolution is presented in response to this request from our sisters and brothers in Puerto Rico.<br />
<br />
==Therefore be it resolved that==<br />
We as Mennonite Church USA commit ourselves to:<br />
<br />
* Send a letter of support and encouragement to the Mennonite Church in Puerto Rico;<br />
* Send a letter to the U.S. government making our perspective known, and expressing our desire to stand with our Puerto Ricans brothers and sisters.<br />
As delegates, we commit ourselves to:<br />
<br />
*Pray for Puerto Rican Mennonites that God will show them how to minister to all the people of Vieques, work with the military personnel on the naval bases on the Puerto Rican mainland, and develop peace work with the children and youth of Puerto Rico;<br />
* Write notes of encouragement to our sisters and brothers in Puerto Rico;<br />
* Support the work of Christian Peacemaker Teams as they witness on Vieques;<br />
* Write as individuals and official leaders to our government representatives; and<br />
* Acknowledge that we are part of the military complex abusing the people of Vieques because we pay taxes that support the military.<br />
We ask our U.S. government leaders to:<br />
<br />
* Immediately stop military exercises on Vieques;<br />
* Clean up contaminated land so children can play safely, farmers can grow healthy crops, and fisherman can fish in unpolluted water;<br />
* Remove the Navy from the island,<br />
* Financially and strategically support the reconstruction work of the Committee for the Rescue and Development of Vieques. <br><br />
May God grant peace and justice to the people of Vieques, and may God grant us the courage to speak and act when we are called to be God's hands in the world.<br />
<br />
Adopted by Mennonite Church USA Delegate Assembly<br />
July 7, 2001, meeting in Nashville, Tenn.<br />
<br />
<br />
==Bibliography==<br />
Preheim, Rich. "Victims at Home, Abroad, Unborn" ''The Mennonite'' 4 (17 July 2001): 8-9.</div>
Hannahec
http://anabaptistwiki.org/mediawiki/index.php?title=Online_Anabaptist-Mennonite_Library&diff=10880
Online Anabaptist-Mennonite Library
2012-07-06T19:32:39Z
<p>Hannahec: /* 2000 to 2010 */</p>
<hr />
<div>In 2012, [http://www.gameo.org/ GAMEO] transferred its online library (then called the Anabaptist Mennonite Ethereal Library) containing the '''full texts''' of significant Mennonite confessions of faith and position statements on a variety of issues. These valuable sources can now be found here. A few early confessions of other faith groups are also included. <br />
<br />
These full-text documents represent a variety of Mennonite denominations over an extended period of time. Thus you will find statements that may not agree with one another because they come from Mennonite groups with differing emphases, or because these emphases have changed over time.<br />
<br />
The documents are arranged in '''chronological order''' within their categories.<br />
==Confessions of Faith==<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Confessions of Faith </div><br />
* [[Schleitheim Confession (source)|Schleitheim Confession]] (Anabaptist, 1527)<br />
* [[Wismar Articles (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)|Wismar Articles]] (Dutch Anabaptist, 1554)<br />
* [[Strasbourg Discipline (South German Anabaptist, 1568)|Strasbourg Discipline]] (South German Anabaptist, 1568)<br />
* [[Waterlander Confession of Faith (1577)|Confession of Faith]] (Waterlander, 1577)<br />
* [[The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries (1578)|The Middelburg Confession of Hans de Ries]] (1578)<br />
* [[Concept of Cologne (Anabaptists, 1591)|Concept of Cologne]] (Anabaptists, 1591)<br />
* [[The Confession of Faith (P.J. Twisck, 1617)|The Confession of Faith]] (P.J. Twisck, 1617)<br />
* [[A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries (1618)|A Short Confession of Faith by Hans de Ries]] (1618)<br />
* [[Olive Branch Confession (1627)|Olive Branch Confession]] (Dutch Mennonite, 1627)<br />
* [[Dordrecht Confession of Faith (Mennonite, 1632)|Dordrecht Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite, 1632)<br />
* [[Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris (1766)|Mennonite Articles of Faith by Cornelis Ris]] (1766)<br />
* [[Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)|Confession, or Short and Simple Statement of Faith]] (Rudnerweide, Russia, 1853)<br />
* [[Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, Articles of Confession (1896)|Articles of Confession]] (Church of God in Christ, Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Our Common Confession (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)|Our Common Confession]] (General Conference Mennonite, 1896)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1902)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1902)<br />
* [[Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches Articles of Faith (1950)|Articles of Faith]] (Fellowship of Evangelical Bible Churches, 1950)<br />
* [[Mennonite Confession of Faith (Mennonite Church, 1963)|Mennonite Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Church, 1963)<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Confession of Faith (1975)|Confession of Faith]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)|Confession of Faith]] (Fellowship of Concerned Mennonites, 1990)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Conference Confession of Faith (1994)|Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Conference, 1994)<br />
* [[Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)|Confession of Faith in a Mennonite Perspective]] (Mennonite Church USA, Mennonite Church Canada, 1995)<br />
* [[Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference Confession of Faith (2001) | Confession of Faith]] (Evangelical Mennonite Mission Conference, 2001)<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Catechisms==<br />
<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Catechisms </div><br />
* [[Elbing Catechism (Mennonite, 1778)|Elbing Catechism]] (Mennonite, 1778)<br />
<br />
|}<br />
<br />
==Position Statements==<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| align="left" width="100%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">Position Statements</div><br />
Here you will find a variety of full-text documents, arranged in chronological order, that contain Anabaptist/Mennonite declarations of positions on various matters. <br />
|}<br />
<br />
{| cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2" style="background-color:#F0F8FF; border:1px solid #ccc; margin:4px 0 0 0;"<br />
|-<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">16th Century to 1980</div><br />
====Pre-20th Century ====<br />
* [[Mennonite Brethren Church Document of Secession (1860)|Document of Secession]] (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1860)<br />
<br />
====1900 to 1950====<br />
* [[Report of the Dress Committee (Mennonite Church, 1913)|Report of the Dress Committee]] (Mennonite Church, 1913)<br />
* [[Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare (Mennonite Church, 1915)|Position of the Mennonite Church on Carnal Warfare]] (Mennonite Church, 1915)<br />
* [[Statement of Our Position on Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1917)|Statement of Our Position on Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1917)<br />
* [[Christian Fundamentals (Mennonite Church, 1921)|Christian Fundamentals]] (Mennonite Church, 1921)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite (1925)|A Statement of the Christian Doctrines of the Church of God in Christ, Mennonite]] (1925)<br />
* [[A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service (Mennonite Church, 1937)|A Statement of Our Position on Peace, War and Military Service]] (Mennonite Church, 1937)<br />
* [[Statement of Doctrine (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|Statement of Doctrine]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* [[A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)|A Statement of the Position of the General Conference of the Mennonite Church of North America on * Peace, War, Military Service, and Patriotism]] (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1941)<br />
* The Anabaptist Vision by Harold S. Bender (1944)<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment (1950) (Winona Lake, Indiana Peace statement by Mennonite Central Committee-related conferences)<br />
<br />
====1951 to 1960====<br />
* Declaration of Christian Faith and Commitment with Respect to Peace, War, and Nonresistance (Mennonite Church, 1951)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Peace, War, and Military Service (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1953)<br />
* Declaration of Commitment in Respect to Christian Separation and Nonconformity to the World (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Nurture and Evangelism of Children (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* The Way of Christian Love in Race Relations (Mennonite Church, 1955)<br />
* Statement on the Believers' Church (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1956)<br />
* The Theology of Christian Experience (Mennonite Church, 1957)<br />
* The Christian and Nuclear Power (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian and Race Relations (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* The Christian View of Marriage (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
* On Inspiration of the Bible (Mennonite Church, 1959)<br />
====1961 to 1970====<br />
* Christian Parenthood (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* The Christian Witness to the State (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Communism and Anti-Communism (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Dedication for Our Times (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* On Love and Unity in the Church (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* Recreation (Mennonite Church, 1961)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Communism and Anti-Communism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on the Authority of the Scriptures (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* The Christian Family (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1962)<br />
* Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1963)<br />
* Capital Punishment and the Ministry of the Church to the Offender (Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Capital Punishment (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1965)<br />
* Resolution on Nationalism (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on World Hunger (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1968)<br />
* Resolution on Divorce and Remarriage (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1969)<br />
* Response to Conscription and Militarism (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
* Urban-Racial Concerns (Mennonite Church, 1969)<br />
====1971 to 1980====<br />
* The Way of Peace (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1971)<br />
* A Christian Declaration on Amnesty (Mennonite Central Committee, 1973)<br />
* A Statement of Direction to Guide Congregations and Regional Conferences in Understanding Ordination (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1974)<br />
* Resolution on World Food Crisis (Mennonite Central Committee, 1974)<br />
* Abortion (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Amnesty (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Understandings Concerning Women and Men (Mennonite Church, 1975)<br />
* Resolution on Abortion (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1975)<br />
* Biblical Interpretation In The Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Call and Care of Pastors (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Christian Stewardship of Energy Resources (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Governmental Oppression and our Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* The Holy Spirit In the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Offender Ministries (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Television Violence (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1977)<br />
* Interpretation of Scriptures (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Mennonite Brethren and the Urban Challenge (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Political Involvement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Resolution on Pastoral Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1978)<br />
* Affirming Our Faith in Word and Deed (Mennonite Church, 1979)<br />
* Guidelines on Abortion (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
*Legal and Legislative Exemptions from War Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1980)<br />
<br />
| valign="top" align="left" width="50%" style="padding:7px 7px 7px 7px" | <div style="margin:0;background:#cedff2;font-family:sans-serif;font-size:120%;font-weight:bold;border:1px solid #a3b0bf;text-align:left;color:#000;padding-left:0.2em;padding-top: 0.2em;padding-bottom:0.2em;padding-right: 0.0em">1981 to 2010</div><br />
====1981 to 1990====<br />
* Leadership and Authority in the Life of the Church (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Homosexuality (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on Race Relations (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Divorced and Remarried (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Ministry of the Women in the Church (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* Resolution on the Question of Love and Non-Resistance (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1981)<br />
* The Use of the Law (Mennonite Church, 1981)<br />
* Justice and the Christian Witness (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Mennonite Tricentennial Resolution (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Central America (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution on Conscientious Objection to Military Taxes (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* A Resolution on Faithful Action Toward Tax Withholding (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Resolution Regarding Caring Community (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Statement on Inter-Mennonite Cooperation in North America (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* Vision for Witness (Mennonite Church, 1983)<br />
* "God's People Reconciling [35 minute Audio file]" (Mennonite World Conference presentation by Ron Sider, 28 July 1984 in Strasbourg, France) Windows Media File (5 MB); MP3 File (15 MB)<br />
* Ten-Year Goals (Vision '95)(Mennonite Church, 1985)<br />
* A Call to Kingdom Commitments (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Many Peoples Becoming God's People (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Apartheid (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Resolution on Human Sexuality (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1986)<br />
* Baptism by Immersion as a Requirement for Ordination to Pastoral Leadership (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1987)<br />
* A Call to Affirmation, Confession, and Covenant Regarding Human Sexuality (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Growing in Stewardship and Witness in a Militaristic World (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* Resolution on South Africa (Mennonite Church, 1987)<br />
* A Church of Many Peoples Confronts Racism (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Recommendation on Exploring MC/GC Integration (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on Military Tax Withholding (Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Resolution on the 500th Anniversary of Columbus (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Stewardship of the Earth: Resolution on Environment and Faith Issues (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1989)<br />
* Vision Statement (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1990)<br />
====1991 to 1999====<br />
* On Observing 1992 (Mennonite Church, 1991)<br />
* Statement of Doctrine (Conservative Mennonite Conference, 1991)<br />
* A Resolution against Interpersonal Abuse (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution on Health Care (General Conference Mennonite Church U.S. Assembly, 1992)<br />
* A Resolution to Laugh with Abraham and Sarah (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1992)<br />
* A Call for a Peacemaking Task Force (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Commitment to Christ's Way of Peace (Mennonite Central Committee, 1993)<br />
* Peace in Our Time (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Resolution on Health Care in the United States (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* A Resolution on Male Violence Against Women (Mennonite Church, 1993)<br />
* Affirming Peacemaking as it Relates to the Peace Tax (U.S.)/Peace Trust (Canada) (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Agreeing and Disagreeing in Love -- Commitments for Mennonites in Times of Disagreement (General Conference Mennonite Church, Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Resolution on a Jubilee Year of Repentance and Action Regarding Nuclear Weapons (General Conference Mennonite Church, 1995)<br />
* Vision: Healing and Hope (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church , 1995)<br />
* "And No One Shall Make Them Afraid" (Zephaniah 3:12-13): a Mennonite Statement on Violence (Mennonite Church, General Conference Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Is Jesus the Only Way? (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Mission Statement for Congregational Youth Ministry (Mennonite Church, 1997)<br />
* Ordination (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1997)<br />
* Guidelines for building faithful relationships in the church (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Resolution on the Issue of Homosexuality (Conference of Mennonites in Canada, 1998)<br />
* Guidelines for Membership in the New Mennonite Church (Mennonite Church Canada, 1999)<br />
* Women in Ministry (Mennonite Brethren Church, 1999)<br />
====2000 to 2010====<br />
* [[The Call from Colombia to MC Canada (2000)|The Call from Colombia to MC Canada]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc. (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)|Resolution on Sale of Arms, etc.]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2000)<br />
* [[Colombia Resolution (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)|Colombia Resolution]] (Mennonite Church Canada, 2001)<br />
* [[Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Membership Guidelines for the Formation of Mennonite Church USA]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[Resolution on Plan Colombia (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)|Resolution on Plan Colombia]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* [[A Resolution: The Death Penalty (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)| A Resolution: The Death Penalty]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* Vieques Resolution (Mennonite Church USA, 2001)<br />
* Statement on Abortion (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* Statement on Immigration (Mennonite Church USA, 2003)<br />
* [[Statement on the War in Iraq (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)|Statement on the War in Iraq]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2005)<br />
* [[MWC Shared Convictions (2006)|Shared Convictions]] (Mennonite World Conference, 2006)<br />
* [[A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|A Resolution on Following Christ and Growing Together as Communities Even in Conflict]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Resolution on Healthcare Access: Next Step]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
* [[Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)|Statement against Human Trafficking, Modern Day Slavery]] (Mennonite Church USA, 2009)<br />
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